Evaluation of Women in Bosnia and Rwanda after the Wars

In the early 1990s, the genocidal states in Bosnia and Rwanda strived to “cleanse” unarmed Muslims and Tutsis from their respective regions. In Bosnia, the primary perpetrators of the war were the Serbian forces against the Muslims from 1992 up to three years later. In Rwanda, the Hutu militia perpetrated the wars against the Tutsis and certain Hutus for over three months in 1994. Both countries were characterized by violence and increased human displacement. In Rwanda for example, the genocide was just an extension of the constant tribal conflicts they had faced. The civilian casualties in both wars were men. However, in Rwanda, the militias constantly attacked women and girls, who were perceived as the “future of the nation” (Allen, 1996; Barstow 2000; Green 2002; Wood; 2006). The most common crime perpetrate against the women in the two countries included sexual violence. Women were perceived as objects in the Balkan states as they were raped and tortured (Wood, 2006). Meanwhile the women and girls in Rwanda were exposed to traumatic even during the wars. Unlike the Bosnia who received help from the United States, Rwandese women fended for themselves during the war. This left a majority of them “paralyzed” to assume social roles as per the society needs (Burnet, 2011). When it came to Bosnia, the post-effects of their defeats prompted the need for ‘responsibilities,’ for the women, whereas the causes of the conflicts had political roots (Nikolic-Ristanovic, 2000). Ironically, the women in Bosnia had little participation in the political systems. Immediately after the post wars, the life of the women became more difficult because of the lack of gender equality in the two countries. However, the situation in Rwanda was quite different from that in Bosnia because of the strong political system they had. Usually, it is believed that the best sustainable societies in the world are those, which are built on strong political systems. Since the post genocide, Rwanda has strived to overcome the political and economic challenges it faces. All over the world, Rwanda is known for two things, which is the genocide in 1994 and becoming the first country to establish a fifty percent target of women parliamentarians. The latter is an indication of the commitment of the state to the rights of the women, gender equality and empowering the women. However, this has not been the case in Bosnia, majorly because of the ethno-federalist political system. Even though progress has been registered in Bosnia regarding promotion of gender equality, women are still victims of inefficient political achievements, economic growth and social participation (Malcolm, 1996). Furthermore, Walsh (1997) asserted that the massive displacement of women and deep ethnic divisions inhibited the women from becoming well represented in the community. Most of them fled from the urban center to the rural areas where no relevant action took place. Therefore, the paper will evaluate the efforts that have been taken to improve the status of women in Bosnia and Rwanda by following a systematic framework of the earnings, education, mortality, political participation and social roles of women in Bosnia and Rwanda. Besides, it will explore further the reasons that make Rwanda more developed yet they faced the same challenges as Bosnia in the early 1990s. 

Literature review

Before embarking on the evaluation of women empowerment in the two countries, it is important to understand the literature behind gender equality as international human rights. Understanding the concept of gender equality and human rights will give sufficient knowledge about the struggles of the women in Bosnia and Rwanda because they belittled their women and squashed their rights.

Concept of gender equality and human rights

According to Anker (1997) while talking about theories of occupational segregation by sex: An overview of International Labour Review, the Declaration of Human Rights and other international conventions states that women should be granted the same rights as the men. However, many societies have defined this right and treated the women as second-class citizens or as if they are not fully people. Justice for women lies in the notion that women can enjoy and exercise their rights just like the men. Many societies have associated the argument of gender equality with an economic rationale. That is, whenever gender equality for women is promoted, the country will realize economic growth instead of attaining justice for the women. 

While speaking on Gender Equality and Human Rights conference, Fredman and Goldblatt (2015) purported that, it is the infringement of the dignity of women and a dismissal of the capability of the women to maximize their human capacity. Inequality should not be confused by difference even thigh are capable of coexisting. The difference can be explained to arise from biological factors or a matter of choice whereas inequalities are established and maintained socially by methodological arrangements and processes by actions of people or groups. More often than not, people assume the concept of gender equality to be regarding employment, which is not the case. Gender inequality takes many forms such as premature death, denial of knowledge, poverty, powerlessness, ill health, and exclusion from life opportunities (Byrne, 1995). 

In employment, gender equality in employment is necessary for ensuring a fair and productive labor market offering decent work for all the sexes. The International Labor Conference in 2009 stated that gender equality revolves around human rights and economic efficiency. This means that gender-sensitive employment is a critical way to realize poverty reduction and inclusive productivity and growth (Byrne, 1995). Promoting gender equality is globally identified as a principal objective in economic as well as social policy in the world. According to Burnet (2011), speaking about the issues of inequality among the men and women give the government an opportunity to establish a social order where right are enjoyed equally among all the genders. More often than not, individuals in countries with high gender equality are capable of contributing fully to the social, political, and economic development of the society.

The nature of post-War in Bosnia-Herzegovina

Before the four-year war ensued, Bosnia-Herzegovina was among the low developed republics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was approximated to be around ten million dollars. The economy enjoyed diversification of resources such as energy, mining, textiles, and leather machinery that constituted half of the output besides employment. The civil engineering division was the most developed service section with highly skilled and educated individuals. However, the period that marked the end of the war led to devastating figures. The Gross Domestic Product dropped to less than five hundred US dollars. Most of the resources that offered a solid backbone to the economy were physically destroyed. Instead of matching the economy of other European countries, the republic’s economy experienced a massive setback. 

On the loss of human lives was tremendous. Many individuals were displaced from their homes leading to complex situations to the Republicans. Not only did they face the pressure of dealing with the physical and psychological traumas from the war, but they also had to keep up with the pace of the falling economy to exist in the current market. No republic in SFRY experienced the high levels of destruction this republic faced. Bosnia is struggling to pick up the pieces of the post-war but even though it is still ranked in the second lowest of the central European countries (Nguyen-Gillham, 1999). 

Genocide and Rwandan women

When the Rwandan genocide started, men became the main primary targets whereas the women and children were mostly shown mercy. A majority of churches acted as refugee campsites for the victims of war. However, in 1994, the churches turned out to be the death dungeons and the perpetrators went for the women and the children. The Tutsi women were more vulnerable to the violence even for those married to the Hutu. This was also for the Hutu women married to the Tutsi. Meanwhile, the women in these warring communities were at risk of protecting each other because they were perceived as those against the Habyarimana regime (Burnet, 2012). The first ever women killed in the genocide was Agathe Uwilingiyimana, the first woman prime minister. 

Mostly, women were exposed to the risks because of their gender whereas some were targeted because of their associations with other groups. The massacre was also characterized by sexual violence and constant torture. The status of the women did not matter during the attacks by the militia. Regardless of their educational levels and ethnicity, all women experienced violence and death (Holmes, 2014). A group of marauding youths and soldiers in revenge raped a majority of the Hutu women. Whether violated or not, Rwandese women of all statuses and social strata faced different types of consequences be it to their families or employment. 

Measurement variables as seen in Bosnia and Rwanda

Earnings

Bosnia

The economic collapse after the wars in Bosnia and the increased dependency natures sparked massive burden on the women. Women who were randomly interviewed admitted that the trends of the economy made their life difficult because they had to do everything. In 1991, statistics revealed that around thirty-five percent of the workforces in Bosnia were women (UNDP, 1991a). Currently, a majority of the women accounting for forty percent are on the waiting list seeking to be employed. 

The income of the women in Bosnia was limited as compared to that of the men because of barriers like discrimination in being employed. Publication by CIET Vulnerability Study in World Bank (1999) revealed that women who headed households had lower employment rates than the men. The dwindling economy and the low employment rates for the women forced them to resolve into sex trades and prostitution to make ends meet (Zenica, 1999). In an interview with a woman named Saida, the respondent revealed that since the war she has managed to acquire two stalls in which she takes home a profit of twenty to thirty Deutsche marks (DM) per month. Saida states that the money is just enough to cater for all the basic needs, but cannot get one rich. Most times, the women in Bosnia have faced the challenge of being laid off from work especially in industries because the men are perceived to be more deserving (Leydesdorff 2011). 

However, the various Non-Governmental organizations in Bosnia Republic have worked hard towards ensuring that women have an equal advantage in employment. They have concentrated more on the fields of social sciences, especially the foreign languages. Most women are now employed as interpreters, secretaries, and assistants in various organizations. 

Earnings in Rwanda: Access to employment and economic resources 

The major source of income that has tremendously increased the Gross Domestic Product of Rwanda is agriculture (Randell, 2014). However, men contribute to a bigger percentage of the beneficiaries as compared to the women. Women have received low earnings from the non-farm employment jobs. Meanwhile, the commercialization of farming has inhibited the women in the rural settings from feeding their families. Averagely, it was found out that women toiled for twenty or more hours in a week than men when domestic chores are included. Typically, women were known to do all the domestic work such as fetching water, collecting wood, and offering voluntary services to the community. Almost three-quarters of the community health care providers were women thereby had a difficult time juggling domestic duties and voluntary work. Furthermore, the increasing turnovers have a negative impact on the quality of service because retaining them amidst the high demands is tricky. Acting as a blessing in disguise, the emphasis on gender equality has not favored the roles of women in this category. This is because the women faced with this situation admit to receiving constant pressures from the husbands to earn money by creating small enterprises at home, keeping in mind that all the domestic chores are left to as well as most farming activities. The income received by the Rwandese women is not enough to cater for the expenses of their families. Therefore, there have been initiatives to provide minimal financial support in education by the Rwandan government (Ministry of Education). 

Education

Bosnia

The socialist's system of the pre-war era mandated that free education is to be offered freely until standard eight. The government in Bosnia had put emphasis on the equality of education among the males and the females, but no productive results had been yielded. Statistics indicated that the enrolment of both the boys and the girls were the same both at primary and secondary levels. At the university level, the number of females exceeded that of the males. However, this was not an assurance that all the courses were completed as stipulated because most of the women dropped to get married. Sometimes, they dropped out not because of their will but the will of the society. Since the war had massively messed up with education, women were forced to go home and take care of the families as the male counterpart fought. Furthermore, the World Bank (annex 9) revealed that schools became of no use because they were destroyed and were short of teachers and staff to carry on with the daily activities. Even during these setbacks, the schools were able to reorganize informally and continue with education during the war.

According to the Human Development Report (1999), the ratio of the female pupils had increased in enrollment especially after the war (Teresa, 1998). Since the education department decided to introduce a certain amount of fees towards schooling during privatization, the number of female students declined drastically in the rural areas. Moreover, there have been concerns about the long distances traveled by the women to seek education in the secondary schools. Transportation costs could also be a problem. On the other hand, women from the informal setting have expressed doubts about morality in the quest to seek education in the urban areas. 

There have been certain initiatives by the Women in the Social Democratic party to campaign for affordable levels of education for the girl child. The government has also strived to increase the number of women teachers in the primary levels, and a fall in their numbers towards the secondary level. There have not been clear reasons concerning this system of staffing teachers. The campaigns have raised concerns in about the value of women’s capability in the teaching profession because they are socially associated with being caregivers. 

The high girl child dropouts have raised major concerns in the country as well as the Non-Governmental organizations that support education. A majority of girls are afraid to go to school because of the unpredictability of the wars. The female associations that empower the girl child have tried to devise a mechanism to deal with the problems. Particular publications have revealed that the reasons for high dropouts include overwhelming responsibilities back at home, teenage pregnancies, early or forceful marriages, and traditional cultural practices like the female genital mutilations. However, the women in Bosnia are still hopeless in education because of the increased levels of corruption in the government. Little or no support has been given to the women because they are perceived as homemakers. Besides, there are certain people who believe that the girl child should not be educated but help in the household duties and get married early. This has snatched away the opportunity for girls to become productive in the society as well as violating their rights and gender equality.

Rwanda

Critical evaluation of the education system shows that formal education is not present in post-war Rwanda. The Rwandan government and the various NGOs within the country be it local or international have liaised to rehabilitate and construct the schools that had been destroyed during the genocide war (Holmes, 2014). Even though there have been aggressive efforts by the government to uplift the levels of education in the country, it has still experienced delays and underfunding. Furthermore, the schools have experienced shortages of skilled teachers as well as the teaching resources. The large classes make it difficult for the teachers to teach effectively because of the cramped spaces and few resources available for the pupils. The government has strived to ensure that the tuition fees for the primary schools are affordable. However, expenses of other materials relating to learning that pose a significant burden. These include materials such as school uniforms that are brought annually, books and pens. Such expenses amidst other varieties of factors like poor nutrition for many school goers, lack of lighting for evening studies, and demanding household chores back at home play a role in poor performance in schools as well as increased school dropouts. 

Moreover, research has indicated that not every child who has attained the appropriate age to start school, usually start school. Out of the students who enter the first grade, only around thirty-five percent continue through to the sixth grade. However, there is a constant dropout of girls in all the grades. 

Just like in Bosnia, the high girl child dropouts have raised major concerns in the country as well as the Non-Governmental organizations that support education. Meanwhile, female associations that empower the girl child have tried to devise a mechanism to deal with the problems. Particular publications have revealed that the reasons for high dropouts include overwhelming responsibilities back at home, teenage pregnancies, early or forceful marriages, and traditional cultural practices like the female genital mutilations. Besides, there are certain people who believe that the girl child should not be educated but help in the household duties and get married early. This has snatched away the opportunity for girls to become productive in the society as well as violating their rights and gender equality. 

Studies have also revealed that entry into secondary schools has become more difficult. For instance, when the final exams were taken in the year 1995-1996, only sixteen percent of were able to get enrolled into the state-subsidized school. Also, ten percent of were able to get admissions to the private secondary schools, but at higher expenses. 

Since education goes hand in hand with illiteracy, studies have revealed that the latter has increased since the beginning of the genocide. In the year 1996, a publication revealed that the rate of illiteracy among the people aged ten years, and above was approximately sixty percent. The women contributed to around fifty-seven percent of illiterate Rwandese. Programs were established to counter the levels of illiteracy in the country in the late 1980s, but they received little or no funds at all. Besides, there was inadequate post illiteracy follow up. The major setback the Rwandan government in the education sector is a lack of funds. Women should be braced with opportunities to learn and gain knowledge, but this has not been the case. A majority of the women especially those in vulnerable homes lack time to seek education. 

The recent policies of education in Rwanda have struggled to ensure that a specific system supports the girl child education for them to realize maximum potential (Ministry of Education Girl’s Education Policy, Republic of Rwanda, 2008). Now, the ratios of boys to girls being enrolled in schools are the same. This starts from the lower category that is the pre-school to higher institutions of learning such as the universities. Even though the girls are more likely to outshine the boys in primary and junior level categories, boys are likely to surpass them in secondary schools. In the past, it was known that the science courses were left to the men and the arts to the women. However, the society has transformed for this assumption, and a majority of girls are now taking science and technical courses. The expansion of the public sector of education has taken a different course and because the percentage of girls gaining access to education has remained constant by about thirty percent. According to the Ministry of Education, Education Statistics (2013), the probability of girls attending less prestigious learning institutions as well as higher learning institutions is low. 

Mortality

Bosnia

The conflicts in Bosnia resulted in many deaths of the men, women, and children. The women were the most affected in the situation. Most of the major infrastructures were damaged, and the health systems in the Republic were incapable of offering the basic health services. While focusing on the women, this situation meant that the reproductive health provision would drastically go down. The mortality was increased in the women because of the lack of service to give gender-based violence victims as well as those seeking psychosocial assistance. Additionally, the risky jobs the women did, for instance in the mining areas increased their mortality rates. 

Since Bosnia still faces tribal conflicts, it has been difficult for some of the women to seek medical attention in specific health centers because of corruption. Most facilities charge unaffordable fees forcing patients to resolve to conventional healing methods. Unfortunately, certain diseases require advanced medical treatments. Lack of these services increases the mortality rates of patients and the, most vulnerable people are the women. Furthermore, the foreign aid given to Bosnia government to assist in health care provision are often misappropriated and used for personal gains. This diminishes the levels of health provision in the state leading to more deaths. 

Rwanda

Rwanda has experienced success in improving the well-being and the health of the women and girls. Statistics indicate that before and after the genocide, the mortality rates had fallen drastically from an approximated 1300 per one thousand births in 1990 to four hundred and seventy-six in 2010. The fertility rates have fallen to a 5.0, which is the average for the Sub-Saharan. On the other hand, the use of contraception has increased among the women of the childbearing age. Rwanda is among the top ten of the Sub-Saharan African countries that have registered a higher use of contraception. Also, the percentages of safe births have increased because of the use of health workers, especially women who are more experienced in the section. 

The improvements of the health department in Rwanda have enabled the enjoyment of safe delivery. Besides, the government has initiated the delivery of basic health care in the community levels as well as proving health insurance. At least all the Rwandese living below the poverty lines are capable of receiving affordable health in the mobile clinics. Studies have revealed that many women across Rwanda are contented with the nature of health services they receive from community-based health care providers. However, there have been laws that fine women if they fail to go to the health centers for safe deliveries. A majority of women who believe in midwifery have not taken the issue lightly and raised certain concerns. Most of the women in this category believe in the African traditional cultures such as traditional healers and midwifery. 

According to them, the fines and the not so affordable health insurance rates discourage them from seeking help from the clinics and hospitals. It is important to keep in mind that many households in Rwanda still struggle to meet these expenses because they have other struggles such as sending providing a basic need to their families and paying school fees for the little amount of salary they get. Even though there have been successes in the use of contraception to prevent unplanned pregnancies and restrictive abortion laws, women and girls are vulnerable to dying from the illegal abortions. Furthermore, the repercussions could be receiving long prison sentences or being forced to take care of a child as a single mother. 

This was not the case during the genocide because hospitals lacked proper resource and staff to offer medical assistance thereby increasing the mortality rates in Rwanda, The most affected groups of people were women and children. The pregnant women with families had to travel long distances in search for safety as away from the hospitals. In some occasions, hospitals became dungeons of deaths because of the militia perceived them to be a safe haven for many occupants. 

Political participation

Bosnia

The final quarter of the twenty-first century in the Balkan states could be termed as a period of demographic plague. It was open that the western region of Balkan was a source of labor for the western economies and the resulting conflicts. The oppression led to massive migrations and refugee movements. Most of the affected victims included the women and children. There was a massive wave of social unrest among the Balkans because of the beginning of the economic crisis. All protests led to economical sources, but in reality, the political system had failed the Balkans because of the poor and unfair systems. The men occupied most of the relevant political seats thereby forcing the oppression of the women continue. 

The existing views of political nature of the Balkans identified the corrupt behaviors of the politicians, who were associated with crime gangs and oligarchs. The politicians majorly focused on the negative control of the economy. The major pillars used to identify the political framework included a corrupt rule of law, nepotism, incompetent judicial system, broken economy, and reception of the external pressures. This period saw the politicians handle the citizens, especially the women as mere products of legitimization for the acquisition of power and the consolidation of crimes, politics, and economy that despised the rule of law. Even after being part of the European Union, most of the Balkan states do not support the notion that the EU membership abides by higher rule of law and human rights protection. The state of Bulgaria reveals even when one is a member of EU; their political values can deteriorate drastically. Regardless of the fact that the European Union has established close supervision monitoring with the local state authorities, the legitimization of the elites seems to be more significant. Hence, after being members of the EU, they become part of the European society. 

For a long time, women became insignificant in the legislation systems, and for the few who managed to acquire political seats, their ideas were not perceived to be important. In some cases, the women in power were forced to side with the majority in the government who were men even for the insensitive gender policies. The participation of the women in politics has never been so aggressive in Bosnia because of the existing gender equality. 

Rwanda

The patriarchal attitudes and behaviors have been the core of Rwandan political society for a long time. The abandonment of this type of administration after the genocide would be surprising. It is evident that the system of administration is felt in many parts of Rwanda. Somehow, the war has been a blessing to a majority of women regarding staffing as the focus is placed on the militarism. As a result, women of a younger age have been abele t offers stiff competition to marriageable men. This means that the number of women having the opportunity to serve in the military is many as compared to that of the men. 

However, there have been countervailing at the national and the local levels because of the responsibilities assumed by many women. The women movements that started in the early 1980s have had a positive impact on the current participation of women in the government. Individual women, women groups, and inter-gender groups where women have the top leadership positions have led to significant developments in the communities. The establishment of the Ministry of Women after the genocide has enabled women empowerment as well as increasing their participation in political and administrative roles (Abbott, 2015). Within the central government, the number of women in top leadership positions is evident though is a small portion. 

At the lower level of governmental and non-governmental organizations, the number of women recruit is high. However, the non –governmental section and departments have the largest number of women who have assumed different roles and responsibilities. Their participation in these position has given them a deeper insight into the issues affecting the female gender in the country as the common denominator is achieving constant women empowerment. Also, these positions have granted them platforms for experience giving them an opportunity to engage in governmental structures. After a critical evaluation based on a bureaucratic point of view, it is a good step. However, it might ignore the importance of having non-governmental organizations in the country.

A major milestone was experienced when the Ministry of Gender and some sections of the NGO championed for legislation to grant women their inheritance rights from their fathers as well as the husbands. However, the law experienced certain delays before being implemented fully. 

In the rural areas, women have become more aggressive in community development participation thereby tabling their concerns to the local authorities. It is still unknown if such tendencies will ensure that women have complete access to resources such as land. The Rwandan government has had particular debates concerning the nature of villagization, which is the need to bring closer scattered villages into dense settlements. The policy has received the full support of especially from the widows of Tutsi even if the Hutu women are likely to oppose the initiative. 

Social roles

Bosnia

Byrne (2013) states that conflicts usually bring about contradictory and confusing transformations in which gender roles and identities become redefined. In the case of Bosnia, the women’s roles spread out to the male dominated areas because of the innately competing notions of masculinity and femininity. Normally, during conflict situations, gender identities turn out to be massively politicized as well as the socialization of children. Besides, there is the essentialists notion perceives the men to be warriors and the women as guardians of the community. However, during the wars in Bosnia, this perceived role changed and women became the warriors of the home and defenders/providers of the family. These interchange of roles between the men and the women established a transformative potential for the responsibility and the status of the women in the family as well as the community. 

Studies have revealed that the current situation in Bosnia concerning the interchange of the roles is happening but doing so at a slow pace and to a restricted context. Several factors associated with the slowness of the potential change of roles. According to Bracewell (1996), the gender identity of a woman has been modified by the conflict from a working person to the mother of the nation. When the wars subside, the women were sent back home to reduce the surplus labor since it had an impact on the economy. Women became caregivers back at home and took care of the families. Most men had perished in the wars creating a gap for the women to assume the roles. Besides, orphaned young girls were forced to take care of their families. However, for the fortunate women who received their husbands and sons from the war, the situation was different. Their social roles remained in the household because they let the men assume their roles immediately after their return.

Since a majority of the women were unable to escape their roles as caregivers, their prescribed roles as household warriors reflected a resistance to a loss of political as well as social power. The wars may have distorted the social roles ascribed to the women but the failed to counter the imposition or re-imposition of the patriarchal order. In cases where the men were incapacitated or unable to assume the role of the head of the family, women took charge. One writer in Bosnia asserted that the social roles of the women, especially at home, gave them a sense of independence (Nguyen-Gillham, 1996). Meanwhile, the current research in Bosnia has shown that the perception and the beliefs women have on domestic roles have not changed in the past years. The Prism research in 1997 indicated that women of all diverse backgrounds took their pride in family. Additionally, the roles of the females ranked as the most important life roles. First, the role of the mother was the highest in the ranks. Secondly, the role of women in politics followed. A majority of working mothers prioritized their families first 

Rwanda

The post-genocide forced the women to assume many roles and responsibilities of the men especially becoming the heads of the family. A majority of men had perished in the genocide whereas others had been recruited by the government to join the militia leaving the women to fend for the families. As a result, there was an automatic shift in the gender and social roles. In 1996, the government conducted a demographic survey that fifty-four percent of the Rwandese was women and that thirty-four percent of the households had women as their leaders. Windows headed a majority of this household. The reconstruction of Rwanda after the genocide involved an active participation of the women.

It is with no doubts that the levels if gender-based violence within the communities have been known to be on the rise. It has been found that girls are vulnerable to abuse to male pupils and teachers. Also, there have been concerns of older men taking advantage of young girls by duping them into marrying them because of money. Such situations prevent the women from acquiring best levels of education because can easily get married and get unwanted pregnancies. Besides, the young mothers who are still in school are overwhelmed by the demands of the domestic labor

Women empowerment situation in Rwanda and Bosnia

In Rwanda, there has been no evidence that the stipulated policies have had a positive impact on the lives of women. In the publications made in 2007 by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the conclusions indicated that the successes of political representation had not yielded important differences for many women in Rwanda (Baines et al., 2011). Besides, a majority of young women who are educated are having little control over their lives. Moreover, certain authors in three different journals researching about the women in Rwanda purported that they have received little or no insignificant assistance from the government policies. This was a common conclusion for all the authors. Randell (2014) states that even though the government has created different policies and programs to enhance the participation of women in economic development such as agriculture, no major impacts have been registered. 

Furthermore, Burnet (2011) argues that even though a god percentage of women are represented in the government, there have been limited legislative gains for the Rwandese women. It is unfortunate that certain reports have revealed that the women parliamentarians barely push on the factors affecting the women. In some cases, some vote against the laws that are potential in empowering the women as well as dismiss the policies beneficial to the women. However, Burnet (2011) admits that the presentation of women has a symbolic value. This is because it has highlighted and increased the status of women by granting them a voice in the society, family, and increased access to education. Even so, she stands by the fact that that the women in the rural areas are still underprivileged as very minimal changes have occurred. 

Thirdly, Debusscher and Ansoms (2013)asserted that the underlying economic basis, which is the benefits of investing in women endanger the gender policies as well as promoting gender equality because of the string political targets. The specific economic basis has neglected the responsibilities of women in domestic labor, little participation in policy building and implementation, and grassroots involvement. Moreover, it faces risks because of the quantitative targets that lead to a formalistic establishment of gender policies. Hence, in disagreement to the authors that focus on the significance of the legal, economic, and political benefits contributed by the women, such as Randell and McCloskey and Burnet. They bring into discussion the whether the concepts have any important result on the conventional gender relations that had in the past exploited and undermined the Rwandese women. 

Over the past years, Rwanda has strived to maintain a peaceful and politically stable country using the post-genocide system known as the Patrimonialism. A system aggressively condemns corruption. The government is prohibited from wooing supporters and corrupting the potential opponents. Good governance policy has been the approach used to achieve productivity and development. All the aspects of the government and the society have specific frameworks that enhance civic engagement using the tactics of dialogues and consensus. The objective of having such system is to rebuild a sense of national identity and patriotism by emphasizing on one language, culture, and the origins of the people. According to Abbott and Malunda (2015), Rwanda has one of the most effective governments in Africa. However, concerns have been raised over the past decades because of the fact that power is too much centralized, which might lead to uncertainties in the political feature of the country, economic development, and human rights. 

When it comes to Bosnia, a majority of efforts have been made by the governments to create modern liberal constitutions and political frameworks. Also, there have been massive attempts to build efficient communication networks like establishing offshore trade relationships. From a general perspective, the Balkan states were focused on integrating into the European world creating a force of competitiveness and development. However, the female gender received limited empowerment during these developments. More specifically, there has been a major a challenge in the inclusion of women in Bosnia in empowerment. One of the major US foreign policies has the imperative goal for economic development and political stability in this republic.

Every community in Bosnia experienced the brutality of the wars (Bougarel et.al, 2007). Although, it is important to acknowledge the fact that all the consequences of the wars were gendered innately. The nature in which the men and women experienced the impacts of the wars depended on the gender roles and conflict resolution skills during the time of war (Byrne, 1995). The most significant factors that acted as determinants for the reaction of both men and women towards the war included class, ethnicity, education levels, and age. Studies have revealed that in some occasions, the intra-gender differences are more significant than inter-gender differences. Bryne (1995) asserted that the scarcity of resources and ethnic differences could lead to competition among women. A critical analysis of the state of Bosnia indicated that class, ethnicity, and education levels among the women proved to be sources of conflicts. On the other hand, in almost every part of the world, the Rwandan women had a horrible story to share about the genocide too. What the depth of suffering underwent by the women was deep as compared to that of the men (Holmes, 2014). 

In conclusion, while comparing the two countries, women empowerment in Rwanda is more successful than Bosnia republic because of their political system. The political participation of women in Rwanda is around fifty percent, which is forty percent less than that in Bosnia. The Rwandan women have become more aggressive in their quest for gender equality creating equal opportunities for the women in employment as well as education. On the other hand, Bosnia Republic has received slow progress in these measurements because of the insufficient women empowerment and the poor political representation. The reason for the slow development in Bosnia is that they lack women association groups or gender empowerment groups like in Rwanda. Rwanda has achieved a progressive milestone in women development because of the strong and continuous support received from their current government and various non-governmental organizations. It is indeed true that the nature of politics and economy are linked throughout the world. Both the countries have faced deep issues in these areas especially because of the wars. However, the low levels of political participation among the women in Bosnia have been speeded by the constant levels of corruption in the government as well as the legislation. Another reason making Bosnia lag behind in women empowerment as compared to Rwanda is the limited education to the girl child. Well, this is a major problem in both then countries especially the rural areas where the young girls are forced to take care of their families due to poverty. In a more comprehensive way, the statuses of women in the two counties are different because of the existing political systems. Bosnia system is full of corruption and tribal links, whereas the Rwandan government prohibits ethnic polarization and encourages accountability.

References

Abbott, P., & Malunda, D. (2015). The Promise and the Reality: Women's Rights in Rwanda.

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