The issue of immigrants has become contentious in the US to the extent of attracting both national and international attention. The matter concerning immigrants has become a campaign agenda in the political arena and a subject of great interest to policymakers. The number of Filipinos and Vietnamese in the US has maintained a steady rise over the years with pundits indicating that better job prospects form the basis for the swelling numbers. Fresh U.S census data suggests that stand these two groups are among the fastest growing ethnic minorities in Minnesota. In this regard, this paper presents a comparative analysis between the Vietnamese and the Filipino Diaspora based in the US.
It is important to note that the populations of Asians in the state of Minnesota increased by 3.4 percent, which represents a steady rise of about 7,750 individuals every year. The Hmong and the Vietnamese immigrants started moving to Minnesota after the collapse of the pro-American government back in their country. Moreover, Minnesota became diverse in the early 1970s when the Filipinos and Vietnamese refugees flocked the State in the 1970s and 1980s from Burma and Tibet. Both the Vietnamese and the Filipino who live in Minnesota have a refugee origin. Political turmoil in their countries and their quest to find better-paying jobs in the US forms the basis for the migrants’ movements. The existing perception that the US being a superpower offers better working terms for both trained and untrained labor continue to inspire many Vietnamese and Filipinos to move to the US
Delegate your assignment to our experts and they will do the rest.
Filipino and Vietnamese students who go to the US to pursue higher studies also turn the state into their permanent homes then afterward invite their families. The move has caused an influx of the Vietnamese and Filipinos in Minnesota, which has seen them establishing sections that they live as communities of the same ethnic background alone. The individuals have also introduced their cultures in Minnesota including food, dressing, and language.
The emergence of the Vietnamese and Filipino restaurants demonstrates the extent to which the ethnic minorities have started taking control of some sections of Minnesota. Some hotels also cook Vietnamese and Filipino delicacies alone as a way of promoting the culture of the two ethnic groups. The organization of annual festivals that aim at celebrating the Filipino and Vietnamese culture also indicate the extent of influence that the two minority groups have started establishing in the state of Minnesota. People from all walks of life attend the cultural celebrations as a way of familiarizing with the group and incorporating them in the mainstream culture. Both the Vietnamese and the Filipino work in the informal sectors in the US due to their limited education. Majority of them work in the motor vehicle industry and the mines. The groups also send home some remittances to their families especially for those who could not manage to bring them to the USA for one reason or the other.
Importantly, children of the immigrants from the Vietnamese and Filipino refugees groups have enrolled in schools around Minnesota. The quest to provide formal education to the immigrant children by their refugee parents arises from the need to change the lives of the immigrants. Most immigrants cannot get jobs because of their limited educational backgrounds, which leave them no options except working in the informal sector as casual laborers to sustain their families. However, the recent political attack on the immigrants has left many of them in a state fear and confusion, as they do not know their fates. Politicians have made the issue of immigrants a political manifesto, which has made many of them to rethink their stay in the US.
General Population Sizes
Largely, the population profile of the Filipino Diaspora based on evaluated data from the fiscal years 2009-2013 shows that roughly 2.9 million immigrants live in the United States. Further information indicates that almost two-thirds of these arrived in the U.S. prior to the turn of the century and one third after 2000; a marked division concomitant to most immigrant populations as a whole including the Vietnamese (Migration Policy Institute, 2014). In terms of population, women outnumber men among Filipino immigrants. In a closely monitored analysis, conclusions inferred indicated first-generation Filipino populations as having the median age of 48, the oldest median age among more than 12 Diaspora groups (Migration Policy Institute, 2014). Among the second generation, it is estimated that more than 1.23 million individuals born in the United States have at least one parent with Filipino origins. This statistic places the second-generation Filipino population at sixth place in terms of size.
On the other hand, according to the Migration Policy Institute (MPI),carefully analyzed data from 2009-2013 indicated the Vietnamese Diaspora’s population to be 1.8 million individuals; including immigrants born in the U.S. to at least one Vietnamese parent, and those born in Vietnam. In regards to the first generation Vietnamese immigrants, 1.1 million reside in the United States. Recent statistics show a marked increase in Vietnamese immigrants in both proportion and size, predominantly among foreign-born populations. In the 1980s, roughly 230,000 immigrants constituted the Vietnamese immigrant populations in the U.S., which represented 1.6 percent of the total immigrant population. Nonetheless, by 2012, this share increased exponentially to 3.1 percent (Migration Policy Institute, 2015). On average, close to 72 percent of Vietnamese immigrants came to America during the twentieth century and were more likely to be U.S. citizens than other immigrant populations.
The second-generation Vietnamese population in America represents U.S. born individuals with at least one parent born in Vietnam. This population presently consists of approximately 689,000 U.S-born persons ("Vietnamese in Minnesota - Culture Care Connection," 2018). On average, 73 percent of these individuals reported having two Vietnam born parents, which represents the fourth largest immigrant population proportion with both parents being born in their ethnic country. Analysis indicates that India, Bangladesh, and Haiti top the list respectively. In terms of median age, second-generation Diaspora members from the Vietnamese community were on average 13 years with a majority of the population being under 18 years of age, which translates to the fact that only 13 percent are at working age. In Minnesota, the Vietnamese population arrived between 1979 and 1999 with almost 15,000 refugees ("Vietnamese in Minnesota - Culture Care Connection," 2018). Presently, their population within the state stands at 26,000, the 13th largest Vietnamese population in America.
Historical Context
As stated above, both Vietnamese and Filipino immigration had refugee origins that transpired through various conflicts of the twentieth century. Although refugee centered, Filipino immigration history stemmed more from a mutual understanding. Modern migration of the Filipino population commenced with the 100 Filipino students who came to America in 1903 (Espiritu, 1995). Prior to 1934, the Philippines could enter the U.S. without restrictions since they were considered as residents of a major U.S. colony. During this time while America was a colonial master of certain Asiatic regions, Filipinos accessed America through three major channels: as workers, as students, and as elements of the U.S. armed forces. Between 1910 and 1938, Filipinos came to America as students, with more than 14,000 enrolling in various institutions of higher learning (Espiritu, 1995). Around the same period, the recruitment of thousands to work in Hawaii as sugar plantation laborers took place.
While the Asian exclusion laws passed by the U.S. Congress were in effect in the 1920s, these legislations did not affect Filipinos as they were regarded as being U.S. nationals. Around this time, the barring of many Asian communities from entering America took place, which also included Hmong populations. Since Filipinos had immigration passes, most went to the West Coast to work as agricultural laborers. Moreover, the U.S. Navy commenced the recruitment of Filipino seamen in 1903, by the 1920s 5 percent of the Navy’s workforce constituted Filipinos (Migration Policy Institute, 2014). Even after their independence, the Philippines came under the Military Bases Agreement, which continued recruiting Filipinos for military service. After the Philippines gained independence in 1946, the U.S. placed nationality-based restrictions on immigration admission that saw the number of Filipino immigrants decline significantly.
Nonetheless, as the Philippines grappled with its state of affairs after independence, political repression, economic hardships, and close American ties fueled continual emigration. Since the Philippines was America’s principal presence in the Pacific, America maintained close ties with the Philippine government, thereby, becoming the second-largest employer of Filipinos. Owing to the various American bases constructed in the Philippines, there were more Filipinos in the U.S. Navy than there were in the Philippines Navy. By 1970, 68,000 Filipinos were working for the U.S. government. This trend of mutual understanding continued and exacerbated through the 1965 removal of nationality quotas from American immigration laws. Studies indicate that by 2011, the number of Filipino women immigrating to the United States soared, largely driven by the workforce demand within the care sector (Migration Policy Institute, 2014). By this time, 18 percent of Filipino immigrant women were working in various care sectors and capacities such as childcare, registered nurses, and care for the elderly.
In contrast, the story of Vietnamese Americans is one that represents exponential growth. By the late 1960s and early 1970s, the Vietnamese population in America was less than 15,000(Zhou & Bankston, n.d.). The U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Services postulates that between 1961 and 1970, only 4,561 Vietnamese gained admittance to the U.S. This population fundamentally constituted of diplomats, trainees, or students. Moreover, documental evidence shows that larger proportions represented wives of U.S service members. Nonetheless, the fall of Saigon in 1975 rendered Vietnamese Americans the largest refugee group, thereby, increasing their viability as immigrants within the American ethnic mosaic tenfold. By the ‘90s, this group increased exponentially to a whopping 615,000 (Zhou & Bankston, n.d.). This number, somewhat understated according to various sources, represented the Vietnamese-origin population, which included 200,000 Sino-Vietnamese individuals who fled Vietnam.
Prior to 1975, the number of Vietnamese students in American secondary and elementary schools wasminuscule. Nonetheless, as its younger generation came of age, by 1990, 52 percent of this group were U.S. born individuals, 17 percent arrived in America while aged between five and twelve, and roughly four percent having reached the adolescent stage (Zhou & Bankston, n.d.). Within areas representing immense ethnic amalgamations, such as Minnesota Orange County, San Diego, and San Jose, Vietnamese student enrollment increased substantially. This fact is corroborated by the California Department of Education, which stated in 1997 that Vietnamese students represented the second largest ethnic group in terms of state school enrollment (Saito, 1999). As of 1996, the United States admitted 210,000 refugees from Laos, 700,000 from Vietnam, and 135,000 from Cambodia.
Socioeconomic Characteristics
Educational Attainment
The Vietnamese and Filipino immigrants have varying degrees of socioeconomic strata that aligns to that of the American culture, predominantly those exemplified in Minnesota. To begin with, the integration of the Filipino Diaspora in the United States is exemplary with higher populations attending college and accessing the blue-collar workforce. In comparison to the general U.S. median household incomes, those of Filipinos are noticeably higher (Migration Policy Institute, 2014).Filipinos rank higher in terms of a Bachelor’s or higher degree than Hmong populations in Minnesota (Minnesota State Demographic Center, 2016). Similarly, generally, Diaspora members of Filipino origin have good education backgrounds with forty-three percent having high educational credentials compared to merely twenty percent of the American population. Inaddition, 9 percent of the Filipino Diaspora community possesses a Ph.D., Master’s, or equivalent advanced degrees from reputable institutions.
Similarly, albeit to a lesser degree, Vietnamese Diaspora values educational attainment. Compared to the general population of America, those within the bracket of Vietnamese America communities are slightly more likely to have bachelor’s degrees with little chance of advancement. Statistics indicate that 22 percent of Vietnamese individuals aged 25 and above have bachelor’s degrees as their highest educational attainment compared to 20 percent of the general American population. In terms of higher learning, the Vietnamese Diaspora community is less advanced than Filipinos with seven percent of their population having attained PhDs, Master’s degrees, or an advanced professional degree. In Minnesota, the situation is similar with Hmong populations showing lesser circumstantial evidence relating to educational advancement (Minnesota State Demographic Center, 2016).
Employment
Compared to the general U.S. population, Filipino and Vietnamese Diaspora show incremental propensities to be involved in the labor force. Regarding the Filipino Diaspora, 70 percent are more likely to delve into the labor force compared to 64 percent of the general U.S. population (Migration Policy Institute, 2014). Such high employment rates among Filipinos stem from their above-average participation within the labor force; predominantly among Filipino Diaspora women, such engagements render their involvement slightly higher than the general U.S. population. This makes Filipino Diaspora community diverse in terms of employment. Factually, members of the Filipino Diaspora constitute managerial as well as professional occupations at rates considered above average in comparison to the general population of America; statistically represented by 35 and 31 percent respectively (Migration Policy Institute, 2014). In Minnesota, this is true as Filipinos represent the majority of specialized fields such as science, engineering, education, or law, as well as managerial and administrative occupations such as human resources or finance. Women account for a larger percentage of nursing jobs, which translates to nine percent compared to two percent representing the entire U.S. workforce.
On the other hand, while Filipinos scale employment and educational attainment, the Vietnamese Diaspora in Minnesota lags behind. General statistics indicate that Filipinos are more likely to enter the labor force compared to the general American population (Migration Policy Institute, 2014). As such, compared to Filipinos, Vietnamese Diaspora has a lesser percentage in regards to labor force penetration, a fact exemplified by the reality that Vietnamese occupy less managerial or professional occupation compared to the American labor force on a general sense.
Household Income
With the median household income of Minnesota being $58,476, Filipinos have greatly surpassed this threshold ("Mean or median income? It matters. | Minnesota Private Colleges", 2018). Overall, the Filipino Diaspora including their offspring is economically endowed within the United States. Statistics indicate that Filipino Diaspora households have a median income that is almost twice that of general American households. At $74,000 per year, more than 40 percent of Filipino households report earnings exceeding $90,000, which represents the top 25 earnings threshold in American households (Migration Policy Institute, 2014). Moreover, eighteen percent of Filipino Diaspora households realize annual incomes of more than $140,000; a threshold held by just ten percent of American households.
Contrarily, Vietnamese household income is lesser compared to that of Filipinos. Data by the Migration Policy Institute indicates the median household income of Vietnamese Diaspora households as $52,000 (Migration Policy Institute, 2015). While this figure exceeds general American households, in Minnesota, it is slightly below the posted median and exceedingly below that of Filipinos. Further analysis shows the Vietnamese households that attain the $90,000 income per annum are lesser in frequency compared to Filipinos with 28 percent attainment compared to 40 percent respectively.
Diaspora Engagement
Both the Filipino and Vietnamese Diaspora including their subsequent generations maintain dynamic ties to their ancestry and country of origin. Fundamentally, also, their government supports this relation, ensuring seamless communication, transfer of money in support of family as well as charitable enterprises, and travel (Tan & Rahman, 2013). Owing to the nature of both countries, in terms of political, economic, and social history, mired by repression, corruption, political violence, economic stagnation, and military conflict, Filipino and Vietnamese Diaspora have contributed immensely to the setting up of noteworthy organizations driving change.
Presently, well-funded Diaspora organizations affiliated with both the Filipino and Vietnamese Diaspora include alumni associations, public charities, professional societies, enterprise organizations, and numerous more. In Minnesota, organizations such as the Fil-Minnesotan Association in conjunction with the Philippine Center of Minnesota congregates Filipino human resource and talent to foster economic empowerment through networking ("Fil-Minnesotan Association," 2018). Similarly, social organizations such as the Vietnamese community of Minnesota work in tandem with the Vietnamese Diaspora population to bring about social as well as economic advancement ("Vietnamese Community of Minnesota," 2018).
Conclusion
Although culturally divergent, both Filipino and Vietnamese Diaspora in the United States have subtle similarities. Commencing with their immigration to America, both communities emerged from less than normal circumstances and worked their way to prosperity and social responsibility. Compared to the general U.S. population, the Filipino and Vietnamese Diaspora populations have better educational backgrounds, employment, and household incomes. Nonetheless, when it comes to their comparison in Minnesota, the Filipinos are much better off with a higher number of them having advanced studies and better professional as well as administrative jobs.
Reference
Espiritu, Y. (1995). Filipino American Lives . Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
Fil-Minnesotan Association. (2018). Retrieved from http://www.fil-minnesotan.org/events/2018/11/3/fred-talks
Mean or median income? It matters. | Minnesota Private Colleges. (2018). Retrieved from https://www.mnprivatecolleges.org/newsletter/march-2013-newsletter/mean-or-median-income-it-matters
Migration Policy Institute. (2014). The Filipino Diaspora in the United States (pp. 1-7). Washington, DC.
Migration Policy Institute. (2015). The Vietnamese Diaspora in the United States (pp. 1-7). Washington, DC.
Minnesota State Demographic Center. (2016). The Economic Status of Minnesotans: A Chartbook With Data For 17 Cultural Groups . St. Paul, MN: Minnesota State Demographic Center. Retrieved from http://mn.gov/demography
Saito, L. (1999). Socio-cultural factors in the educational achievement of Vietnamese American students (Doctoral dissertation). University of California, Irvine, Department of Education.
Tan, T., & Rahman, M. (2013). Diaspora engagement and development in South Asia . Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Vietnamese Community of Minnesota. (2018). Retrieved from https://www.vietnam-minnesota.org/
Vietnamese in Minnesota - Culture Care Connection. (2018). Retrieved from http://www.culturecareconnection.org/matters/diversity/vietnamese.html
Zhou, M., & Bankston, C. The Experience of Vietnamese Refugee Children in the United States . Vietnamese Americans. Retrieved from https://www.tolerance.org/sites/default/files/kits/vac_brief_history.pdf
