The rapid economic change in Southeastern Asia challenges the traditional division of labor between women working in the private, family domain and men in commerce and politics. Greater participation by women in politics, while uneven in different countries across the region has reshaped agendas for social change . The dynamism that we observe in contemporary Asia, among other things, has a deep gender dimension. In Southeast Asia’s nightclubs, many things happen when business deals and wealth creation are done. The nightclubs in southern Asia are categorised into different class and standards. There are those clubs for the first-class individual, middle-class individual, and low-class individuals. Every class has its own rules and standards ranging from educated women to less educated women. In south-east Asia, this norm of having women around when business deals are being negotiated started way back in the 1960’s, and many companies embraced it until the economy of southeast Asian countries deteriorated in the 1990’s. The nightclubs that most of the business meeting occurs are commonly known as hostess clubs. In the club, women are employed to serve drinks and have a conversation with the customer, they mostly entertain and comfort their customers. However, this culture did not become extinct, as it is still in the contemporary world, and people have embraced it once more. In southeastern Asian countries, jobs group goes according to gender; women are allocated secretary slots and hostess in the community whereas men are to accommodate powerful positions in the society. This will paper will examine how wealth is created and business deal are reached in the south-east Asia nightclubs and how gender roles help during the creation of wealth.
In Asia, the society is usually male-oriented implying that it is a chauvinistic society. Women are always viewed as objects and do not have any opinion in the society. Male is always viewed as the engine of the society since they were responsible for wealth creation both for corporates, society, and family. Southeastern Asia has been structured in that younger women can work until early 30 because before attaining 30 they are required to be married. As a result, they are forced to retire and start looking after their young family and leave the creation of wealth for the family to their husbands. Southeastern Asians believe that women should be there always to support their husbands to maximize their potential. As a result, woman has to quit their jobs. According to Ward (2016) for Southeastern Asian women to succeed they must be willing to live their countries to develop their careers and accumulate weight because the setup of southeastern countries is not conducive for women who want to be powerful and rich.
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In Southeastern Asia business deals are usually being skriked mostly in nightclubs and men are the main architects of these deals. The nightclubs are usually being categorized based on class. The high-profile business people usually prefer to meet in nightclubs that are not crowdy, and the waitress and women in those clubs have to be educated. The women in these types of nightclubs must be younger so that to appeal to many high-profile business people so that they can always visit the place when they always want to strike a deal. The rules in these clubs are always strict, and the waitress and attendees are required to be professional, and most of the time they value conversation ( Karen Kelsky, nd) . Women in the nightclub are permitted to touch their clients on the hand when they are conversing. The women in the night first-class club are required to have erotica conversation with the clients and remain professional throughout ( Osburg, 2013) . In a lesser rank clubs, the hostess is less refined, dressed and educated compared to the first-class nightclub. There is less intimacy from the hostess towards their clients. The client can grab the hostess body and in the hostess, can grab the clients body in return. Hostess is recurred to be witty charming and erotica towards the customer but should not go beyond to the extent of penetration. Presently their high-profile businesses that involve powerful and prominent people in Asia, they prefer privacy when they are negotiating a deal, and the place where they can be guaranteed this privacy is through the first-class social life ( Schütte, & Ciarlante, 2016) . The owners of this kind of high profile nightclub manage the privacy of their customer with high value to make their business be the most suitable place for them to interact with other business people. It is clear that gender roles in most southeastern Asian countries are defined. Women are always them to serve and entertain their male counterparts while the male is the architect of wealth creation. Benedict Ward (2016) observed that women had a lesser role in southeastern Asia, they are mostly employed as hostess and office secretaries she example of a bilingual secretary who said ‘I used to spend all day every day serving tea and coffee to men in the office. ‘This one takes two lumps of sugar’; ‘this one takes only green tea’. … Can you believe it? It is what Japanese women have to deal with this situations. I couldn’t stand it anymore and escaped. I had to go abroad. There was nowhere else to go.” (p. 235). Benedict tries to portray how chauvinistic the Asian society is and how it has hindered women to empower themselves.
Osburg (2013) expounded on the profit-driven predicament alongside the romantic affairs in influential networks by describing how tycoons counterfeit dealings with the public-sector corporation bosses and government agents who commonly manipulate entrance to business opportunities as well as development land. Entrepreneurs court officials’ favoritism with the banquet, and, resulting in ‘inflation in commodified sexual gratification forms in modern times, with time spent in luxurious karaoke clubs and with commodified sex as well. Benefaction relations between these men, and amongst powerful men along with young women entangled in the leisureliness, are revered as affairs in which affect exceeds unsophisticated profitable contracts. Osburg explains the accomplice’s effort to entrench market interactions into these gendered social associations’ (44). Here entrenchment varies from the society-framed economic behavior establishment in social organizations defined in 1944 by Polanyi. Furthermore, Osburg illustrates more directly on the economic action embeddedness in social relationships configurations, for instance in (1985) Granovetter’s networks analysis connecting entities in various organizations. Thus far Osburg’s reflection is divergent. He designates how his interlocutors passed entrenchment as a commodification reaction, aggressively and with intent situated as well as articulated economic relation actively in and over influence. The consideration here as to how these dynamic and intentioned economic concerns are implanting into social affairs is preceding to the conclude, captivating all the same in the guanxi discussion. Relatively, Osburg’s most critical scrutiny is that the high-ranking setups, cronyism, and defense uproars are not market economies, deviations, on the contrary, they are natural capitalism products. Besides, it is mutually an ethnographically categorical and a methodically perceptive one.
Osburg 2013 refer to the inflation trend of entertainment traditions, from luxurious banquets in the 1980s to karaoke (KTV), saunas alongside initiations to women in the 1990s, indispensable for men to keep up their social setups. He claims that by the beginning of the 2000s these systems attained saturation point, necessitating entrepreneurs to try to find methods to create more ‘realistic’ romanticism and harmony through their pleasurable routines. Osburg further maintained that it is through the Ying-chou transformation, or the recurrent need for entertaining to preserve individual’s social linkage, into wan (play) that the central “genuine” feelings are established. The transformation that is preeminent ethnographic illustrations and obtained in the book, connecting a wan’s night and the manner guanxi is authenticated conferring to the various draws of respective members by experiencing good times drinking, singing, as well as conversing. However, in the male-controlled guanxi world, the most effective ways of instituting such feelings is by introducing more men to their potential concubines, mistresses, and lovers. Osburg maintains that rich Chengdu men hold a typological subject of the attraction on a particular set of women, with sex workers and KTV entertainers at the bottom and campus students or professional career women who may come to be their lovers at the top. Introducing someone to their mistress results in a direct sensitive tie of “loyalty” that can have a bearing on significant business as well as political compromises amongst the involved parties.
Alison 1994 observed that activity that hostess ware is performing in nightclubs when business deals are being agreed. The author observed that this trend became more pronounced at the time of post-war economic growth particularly in the period when Japan experienced an astounding spurt of growth in the 1960s. In the 1960’s most companies set aside 5 percent of their expenditure for entertainment expenses when at the settai kosaih, kosaihi, setaihi. Alison observed that the principle of hostess clubs is to entertain clients and workers at places away from work. The places that entertainment was held was in a bar, restaurant and golf course. The entertainment is aimed to strengthen work or business. Alison 1994 observed that business corporate perceives that corporate entertainment is a way making business to be stronger and competitive in the business world ( Schütte, & Ciarlante, 2016) . Alison 1994 observed that the belief of the economic value of these practices was so strong until the Japanese government embraced it and excluded corporate entertainment money from being taxed, it occurred between 1354 to 1982 ( Karen Kelsky, nd) .
According to Schütte, & Ciarlante (2016) observed that idea of visiting high-profile nightclub was very famous until many people saw it as a good venture for the business since it yields a profit. Also, the author depicted that many business people embraced this culture until it reached a point that for a business deal to be agreed the interested party will fund all the entertainment for the person who is to sign the deal. It reached a point when the person who will benefit from the deal spend millions of money to lure and entice the CEO or Manager of the company by buying women and expensive drink for the manager so that they will be selected ( Karen Kelsky, nd) . Schütte, & Ciarlante (2016) tries to depict that women in southeastern Asia were viewed as commodities that can be bought to enhance the chances of men reaching or attaining lucrative business showing how women have no impotence in the society and me were everything in the society.
Alison 1994 observed that the economic slump of 1990 that Japan experienced adversely affected settai even more compared to the 1980’s. However, it is presently the most used in medium to large companies which are stable financially or growing. Corporate entertainment is growing, and established company can consume up to 5 percent of annual operating expenses, and it is termed as indispensable expenses of industrial operations. Schütte, & Ciarlante (2016) observed the company that spends big in this sector are the company that has the highest transnational and national prestige for example Mitsuibussan.
Corporate entertainment money is good for the companies since attracts potential investors to the company. Businesses are encouraged to set aside corporate entertainment money so that it can be used when negotiation of business deals are being carried out. Virtually all business that has embraced this culture has seen an increase in stakeholders and investors in their companies. However, the money that is set aside for this venture should not be huge until it affects other allocation.
References
Allison Anne. 1994. Nightwork. Sexuality, Pleasure and Corporate Masculinity. (introduction).
Karen Kelsky (nd). Gender, Modernity, and Eroticized Internationalism in Japan
Osburg John. 2013. Anxious Wealth. Money and Morality Among China’s New Rich.
Schütte, H., & Ciarlante, D. (2016). Consumer behavior in Asia . Springer.
Ward Keeler (2016). Shifting Transversals: Trans Women's Move from Spirit Mediumship to Beauty Work in Mandalay.
