Question 1
MacClancy examines the contradicting interests of the locals and tourists. She recognizes that tourism is an economically viable economic activity endorsed by the governments in attempts to improve their local economies. However, the approach adopted by the governments and the local entities fails to consider the consequences suffered by the locals in the pursuit of revenue from tourism (MacClancy, 2002). The challenges range from limited access to local resources for the indigenous people and local tribes to water and resources scarcity. The trend, which suggests a conflict between the locals and the tourists have been observed all over the world including Jerusalem, Kenya, Tanzania, and Europe. Additionally, the increasing number of tourists to local countries leads to a loss of morals and social norms. For instance, in Sri Lanka, the increase in tourists has been related to social vices such as dishonesty, prostitution, and drug abuse.
I agree with MacClancy’s view of tourism, especially when viewed from the local government’s perspectives. With the focus on building the local economy, the government and stakeholders in the tourism industry do not conduct feasibility studies to understand how the interactions between the locals and the outsider would affect social fabric that holds the society together. In Sri Lanka, the growth of tourism leads to a disparity in the quality of life between the elites and the average earners. The increase in foreign currency and high spending power of the tourists led to an increase in prices and with no increase in the local citizens’ income. The elites, with the capital and business, enjoyed the increase of money in the economy, while the majority just watched and endured the high prices of living. These trends indicate that uncoordinated tourism can disorient the local community and threaten their way of life by shifting the social, ethical, and economic ways of life.
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MacClancy examines the notion of staged authenticity, which is a deliberate attempt by the locals to shape the tourists’ perceptive about their culture and way of life. Without the contact between the outsiders and the locals, most of the life aspects appear as normal (MacClancy, 2002). However, when it comes to tourists’ gaze, which is how the outside world views a certain local culture, there is a deliberate attempt by the government and the locals to influence the perception to their advantage. While this approach has worked to increase the number of tourists willing to spend money to interact with the local cultures, it also leads to a negative trend where the locals deviate from their authentic way of life.
In the interests of preserving the local cultures, some societies have come up with plans to isolate tourists from their local activities. Traditionally, the local activities and annual events are not popular among the tourists as they represent social meanings only relatable to the locals. However, recently, the degree at which a local culture hides an event from the tourists’ gaze increases the value of the event. With the locals planning and executing these events in isolation, the tourists attach meaning to them, thus increasing the economic value of the events. Although currently, most local events are open for the tourists, there has been a long tradition of isolating these events to preserve their nature and the purpose they served to the locals.
‘ Gol ’ is an isolated event from the tourist gaze in the southern part of Pentecost Island. The term go l means land-diving where men in the villages cut down trees and build pillars to prop up a diving platform. The participants climb to the highest point of the pillar and dive to open ground. They break their fall with a pair of lianas. Other men also come forward to hold the diver after the lianas have already broken the fall. The event takes place depending on the seasons and is meant to celebrate the yam harvest. The locals allow tourists to watch the event after meeting certain fees. The proceedings of the events are shared equally among members of the villages.
MacClancy also highlights the conflict between government development agendas and the wishes and position of the locals. This is seen before and after the construction of the Guggenheim Museum in the Basque region of Spain. Before the construction, the city was dying from lack of economic activity (MacClancy, 2002). However, since 1977 when the Museum opened, the city has welcomed droves of tourists which has led to accommodation shortages during festive seasons. While there is a positive economic impact on the locals, there have also become subjects of tourists’ scrutiny where the visitors examine the local lives and document them. In a way, MacClancy suggests that the local community has lost control of their city. A similar trend was observed by Dennis O'Rourke in his 1998 Cannibal Tours Documentary. He observed that tourists have a tendency of driving hard bargains, viewing themselves as better than locals, and making naïve community about human-environment interactions as practiced by the locals.
Question 2
Nancy Scheper conducted multi-sited research on human organs-trafficking. Due to the confounding aspects that determine the variables of the study, the researcher adopted combined research methods ranging from observations, interviews, correlation, and even independent studies on specific attributes. Scheper used a number of graduates, doctors, and everyone willing to help uncover the growing trends alongside ethnography issues that control the business (Scheper-Hughes, 2004). The researcher acknowledges that the study had received heavy criticism from people who believed that it took a practical and rather political outlook instead of adopting a theoretical approach, which is the general approach to ethnographic issues.
For instance, the editors of the study observed that Scheper should have adopted a better intersection between the geographical layouts of organ trafficking (Scheper-Hughes, 2004). While such adoption is necessary to the study, it makes it harder to map out the controlling factors and instead suggests a ‘follow the bodies’ approach where one fact leads to the next. While this approach is good when appraising new social trends whose measurement matrix are yet identified, it is not a rational or valid approach to a scientific study aimed at enhancing the social living of a community. While the observations made by the panel were justified, I believe the mains shortcoming of the study is its lack of ethical perspectives and considerations to the different players in the area of inquiry. Instead of adopting a scientific approach, the study focuses more on mainstreaming and stereotyping for bracket condemnation.
If adopted, such a study could lead to major consequences for the local economy. For instance, the Scheper study contradicts itself by highlighting that the majority of the consumers of the trafficked organs are not aware that the organs are not legally acquired. However, the same study suggests that women are rarely the recipients of trafficked organs. This double juxtaposition makes the study invalid for social applications. Again, the study fails to consider the regular nature of the health industry and the economic and social life variables. For instance, assuming the notion that women rarely receive trafficked organs is true, could there be underlying social issues such as organ demand across genders that influence the trend? The study assumes these underlying factors that could control what the author suggests as an ethnographic variable. In some cases, there are holistic attributes that determine the trend in a community. It is ethically wrong and scientifically invalid to assume the attributes and make a conclusion based on confirmed events.
While Scheper’s study sheds some light on the nature of the health industry, and how human trafficking benefits major cartels, I disagree with the funnel approach to the study. Instead of examining the study from a sociological imagination perceptive and highlighting the cross-sections between social, cultural, political, and economic factors, Scheper moves out prejudged that the current State of organ trafficking follows ethnographic principles. This assumption limits the approach of the study, which could include other sociological, psychological, economic, and political aspects. For instance, the psychological perception of people conducting organ-trafficking could be based on their cultural, religions, or even economic status. Understanding these concepts would require a geographically specific, combined examination.
When compared with Philippe Bourgois’s research documented in his essay ‘ Lumpen Abuse’ Scheper falls short in both application of the study participants, and study design. For instance, while Philippe comes to the study with a specific region and timeframes of interests, Scheper begins with wile assumptions and follows the trail. This means that Scheper’s study is unstable and follows the social conventions of the participants. The studies also greatly differ in its application of participants and data processing. While Scheper’s study focuses on uncovering information that could potentially change the underlying hypothesis, Bourgois focuses on pursuing a specific line of inquiry. I believe that Bourgois study is superior to that of Scheper in body design, undertaking, and possible application of the extrapolations in the future.
Question 3
Elizabeth Chin views queer as a social construct based on social convention or expectations. Chin views Barbie, the popular doll as a socially impractical representation of children’s childhood playfulness. Due to the growing popularity of the doll, most people seek to relate to it. However, from a rational perceptive, Barbie does not represent any real American woman who has not undergone major plastic surgeries.
Therefore, in a way, society has accepted the queer construct of Barbie, and her affiliation to the dolls industry, despite her lack of remembrance with real children, or even adults. Elizabeth Chin points out that it is impossible to see a ‘fat’ or ‘pregnant’ Barbie because the social construct that makes people relate to Barbie represents good times and perfection (Chin, 1999). Ironically, the toy industry in America and Europe views toys in terms of the companies making them, quality, and content instead of viewing it in terms of the children playing with the toys. The perception of Barbie shows that society can ascribe the value of being good or queer despite the social and personal status of its members.
There are different types of queering as understood and practiced by society. In most cases, queering occurs as a natural trend in the society where most people subscribe to an idea and later ascribes its social value. The first form of queering is when society judges an individual based on his or her personal predispositions. This happens when the actions and convictions of an individual do not follow the expected norms of society. Queering can also occur when society nurtures a construct that holds members of the society accountable. For instance, in this case, there is a clear disconnection between Barbie and the actual children who play with her. Despite this disconnection, there is an urge to associate with Barbie and failure to do so could lead to a decline in one’s social value. Most toy making companies use this affiliation and value connotations to market dolls that do not meet the actual needs of the children.
Due to these social conventions, children rarely choose the toys they consume. The article also raises the question or race as represented in Barbie. Chin observes that Barbie is unbearably white, which limits children fantasies. While scholars like Elizabeth Chin might see this as racial marginalization, companies making dolls see it as marketing approach where children fantasies are likely to control the consumption of the toys (Chin, 1999). Barbie represents the social expectations of perfection and the white race as superior to others. Therefore, children that play with Barbie have a feeling that their skin color does not correlate with the children packages as depicted by Barbie. Chin observes that most people have even gone a step further to create race specific superheroes o allow their children to relate with them and even create a positive perception about their self-image. Although rarely mentioned, Barbie is just but an example or racial classification based on the traditional racial systems and conflict of power and influence.
While Barbie is not socially viable as a leading doll, her history and associated social meanings make it hard to alter her subversive uses. The doll has sold for generations in the American markets that creating a replica of childhood for both the parents and their children. The urge to consume the doll thus affects both the parents and the children. Again due to the association with the doll, the parents tend to shape the children’s perception of the doll when compared with other brands. At this point, Barbie is more of a self-reliant brand that remains popular not only for what it represents but also the emotions it evokes from different members of the society including adults. For instance, a parent who is familiar with the doll is likely to purchase it for her parent in the expectations that it would replicate the emotions received during the parent’s childhood.
References
Chin, E. (1999). Ethnically correct dolls: Toying with the race industry. American Anthropologist, 101 (2), 305-321. doi:10.1525/aa.1999.101.2.305
MacClancy, J. (2002). Paradise postponed: The predicaments of tourism. Exotic No More:
Anthropology on the Front Lines , 418-429.
Scheper-Hughes, N. (2004). Parts unknown: Undercover ethnography of the organs-trafficking underworld. Ethnography , 5 (1), 29–73. https://doi.org/10.1177/1466138104041588
