The introduction opens by acknowledging that black power was influenced by the need to revitalize the unity, and pride of the black people. In that sense, the text dismisses the notion of deeming black power as a radical formation. In four chapters, Tom Adam explores the way in which policies were made at the federal, state and local levels in a bid to control the blacks.
In Chapter one ‘A mouthful of Civil Rights and an Empty Belly’, the text establishes the way War on Poverty was a huge boost towards the black community activism, and opened an avenue for future reforms. As a matter of fact, the War on Poverty was triggered by the urban social problems, and it played a huge role in transforming the political landscape in America. At the start, President Johnson was optimistic that antipoverty program was geared towards improving millions of Americans. However, it was faced with challenges that shook the political equilibrium in the country. The challenges were worsened by the battles waged by the poor blacks, agitating for economic and racial justices. Indeed, the War on Poverty triggered significant debates on race, taxes, and public policy that contributed towards development of black power. As revealed in the text, African Americans embraced antipoverty legislation considering majority were living below poverty line. To most of them, the antipoverty legislation was an avenue to alleviate the economic and racial problems evident in the urban centers. However, during the congressional hearings, Whitney Young said that, he was afraid the Civil Rights were not going to solve poverty issues, but that the people will ‘‘end up with a mouthful of civil rights and an empty belly’’ (Davies p. 19). He warned that, failure to pass antipoverty law was a dangerous move. On his part, President Johnson was committed towards the poverty and illiteracy war, as it was the only way to solve the discrimination problem.
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The bulk of the text is actually in chapter two, as it touches mainly on the community development corporations, black capitalism and the mainstreaming of black power. It opens by recognizing Senator Robert F. Kennedy as the man to continue the debate on poverty from where Johnson left it. According to the author, Kennedy believed the nation was facing a major issue. He was of the view that, at fate were the interests of the entire nation, and not just the Negro in America. He made an observation that, specific programs were needed to address degeneration and economic underdevelopment, issues that the War on Poverty was reluctant to address. Westminster Neighborhood Improvement Association (WNIA) was one of the programs that aimed at offering aid to local families, and encouraging them to have hope for future. However, the group was unable to address all issues facing the blacks and Kennedy was determined to find a comprehensive solution to end this menace. He designed a CDC blueprint, but he was murdered before he could realize his mission. Richard Nixon was determined to continue with the campaign. Although he pushed for black supremacy, organizations such as Community Association of the East Harlem Triangle (CAEHT), Watts Labor Community Action Committee (WLCAC) and Harlem Commonwealth Council (HCC) were established to address black empowerment.
As revealed in chapter three of the text, blacks were virtually discriminated in all areas, education included. For most blacks, public schools served as monuments to the unfulfilled promises of racial justice and equal opportunities for all. Most black parents were concerned about the quality of education their children were receiving, as it determined their future opportunities of economic security and social mobility. Despite efforts to change things in public schools, segregation continued to be witnessed. Despite numerous court cases, the whites were adamant to initiate desegregation. According to the text, the least requirement to embrace school integration was too much to implement, as black students were subjected to physical and verbal attacks. Revealingly, the introduction of community control was welcomed by the blacks as it was in line with the Black Power philosophy. Community control was significant in strengthening the economic base of local communities, besides addressing black unemployment. The chapter concludes by observing that, black progress only became a reality when they started to endorse the interests of the whites, besides embracing the political and socioeconomic order.
The fourth and last chapter of the text focuses on the political powers among the blacks. It opens by acknowledging that, blacks were slowly gaining confidence, to an extent of seeking political offices. In 1974, the Southern Conference of Black Mayors (SCBM) was formed to serve as evidence that the number of black elected officials had increased. Tom Bradley and Maynard Jackson won mayoral seats, and their victory was a clear indication that the black community was fully liberated. Sections of black politicians were an opportunity to challenge the tendency of the whites to dominate in politics. However, as seen towards the end of the text, the problems facing blacks were far from being over, as unemployment, and interracial inequalities continued to be witnessed.
In overall, the book paints a picture of the struggles experienced by the blacks as they sought to share in the American Dream. They were determined to enjoy the opportunities and comforts of the middle class life, amidst racial inequality and discrimination. Admittedly, I concur with observations and arguments made by Davies that Black Power was formed against the background of racial unity and pride. Although initially viewed as a radical group, the efforts made to liberate the African Americans were justifiable, considering they sought to broker political, economic and social empowerment and equality.
References
Davies, T. A. (2017). Mainstreaming black power. Oakland,California: University of California Press.
