The History of Al-Shabaab in Somalia

Introduction 

The emergence of Al-Shabaab in Somalia has resulted in widespread concern over the last few years. Al-Shabaab is a terrorist movement that has constantly risen in the middle of Somalia’s extensive anarchy (Marachal, 2011). In its short history, the school has experienced two shifts changing from a small youth militia to a popular Islamist Guerilla movement. This movement has directed the public executions of a large number of individuals, the killing of Somali officials, and African Union peacekeepers by suicide bombers. 

Due to the impact that the movement has had on the political development in Somalia, there's a need for an assessment of the emergence of the movement. There are several narratives that exist to make sense of the emergence of this movement in Somalia. A majority of the narratives are centered on the interaction between the internal and external dynamics of Somali political Islam. The understanding of these factors and how their interactions resulted in the establishment of Al-Shabaab is essential. Based on the existing need, this paper will focus on the history of Somalia and Al-Shabaab, both sociological and political. An explanation of how these factors were instrumental in promoting the movement's growth will also be conducted. 

A literature review of existing sources exploring the background and concept of Al-Shabaab in Somalia was conducted. The sources chosen were journals and articles identified through an internet search. The main search engines used for identifying the appropriate articles and journals were Google Scholar and Ebsco Host. These sources were selected based on specific criteria, which include; was dated between 2010 and 2020, involved an exploration of Al-Shabaab and the evaluation of actions by the Islamic movement. The literature review data will be broken down into; the history of the country, the history of the movement, and the analysis of the data obtained. 

History of Somalia 

Since the military dictator, Mohammed Siad, was overthrown at the start of the 1990s, the country's existence has been characterized by constant anarchy (Rise, 2011). Conflicts between warlords and extensive clan wars have limited single factions from having sufficient decisive control to enable widespread stability in the nation. In the middle of the constant absence of effective governance, Somalia has faced a constant increase in the poverty rate, the armed conflict that has been almost constant, the growth of a number of semiautonomous regions, and several extreme families. Since Siad was overthrown, there have been thousands of deaths from experiences of violent movements or hunger, while about a million others had to escape from their country (Jones et al., 2016). This enhanced escape from the country has resulted in a substantial diaspora. 

Over the last two decades, more than a dozen attempts at peace processes by international and national agencies have been conducted, with only a few of these processes resulting in measurable outcomes. In 2004, the Transnational Federal Government (TFG) was structured as a ruling institution made of leaders from the country's greatest clans. While being protected by Ethiopia's government, the TFG relocated to a town of Somalia in 2006 but had no success in alleviating the violence and conflicts that existed (Rise, 2011). Even while the TFG was being structured, there were substantial shifts that changed the country's landscape. The capital was a scene of considerable fighting across the civil war as a result of several warlords fighting to be in control of different neighborhoods. Due to these conflicts, there was increased lawlessness in the country, with activities such as robbery and rape becoming daily occurrences. However, at the end of the twentieth century, shari’a courts within the neighborhoods started to rise in a local effort to increase the level of law and order within the country. 

While a majority of Somalis do not strictly prescribe to religious extremism, the existence of these courts presented a way of restoring the order that had no longer existed (Ingiriis et al., 2016). The void of order mainly existed because the official legal and judicial systems had disappeared. These courts acted as points of control, which included the recruitment of their militias to enforce the strict judgments that were given out. Every court was greatly affected by its leaders' ideologies, with other leaders being moderate and other leaders being hardliners (Dobos, 2016). To a considerable level, they imitated the patterns of earlier courts, while also having to deal with three new factors in the Somalian environment. These factors included an underworld characterized by thugs that belonged to several clans. They showed no compliance with clan rules, the impact of the Global War on Terror (GWOT), and despair concerning the capabilities of local administration to manage security in turbulent times (Jones et al., 2016). 

In 2004, there were about ten courts in Mogadishu. The main limitation of these courts was that existing clan rules restricted full adherence. Due to this restriction, several officials of the Islamic courts, whether subscribing to the Islamic faith or not, felt the need for militias that would be enforcers of law and order without concern for clan rules. Islamists were also interested in the enforcement of law and order without caring for clan rules for political reasons. Between 1998 and 2000, Islamists had built several Islamic courts, but several of these leaders had been integrated into the Transitional National Government. By the end of 2004, the courts in Mogadishu underwent a merger to create the Islamic Courts Union, whose leader was Sheikh Ahmed (Ingiriis et al., 2016). The combination of these courts' capabilities enabled them to pose to criminal groups that had control over the capital city for the last ten years. 

Two years later, the union had removed a majority of these warlords from power due to several military victories. At this time, the union had control over Mogadishu and started expanding into the rural areas. In the areas that it controlled, the ICU imposed a level of order that had not been existent for several years. The warfare stopped, there was a decrease in crime, and several businesses started to reopen (Dobos, 2016). This growth resulted in increased support for the ICU in Mogadishu. Contrastingly, this support provided the more fundamentalist aspects of the ICU to be imposed. These aspects included the imposition of strict Islamic laws, which resulted in policies such as the brutal punishment of those seen as un-Islamic, forcing women to fully cover themselves from their heads to toes, and banning them from watching soccer (Mueller, 2018). One of the main factions that imposed these rules was the Al Shabaab, which was more of a youth group. This faction was especially responsible for assisting the ICU in gaining control over this crucial city in Somalia. 

The increased access by the union and its growth across the capital city into the rural regions of Somalia was under the observation of its neighbor, Ethiopia. With the increase in the power of the ICU, the majority of Christian-Ethiopia was concerned with religiously motivated violence within its borders (Dobos, 2016). These concerns were further advanced when radicalized opinions within the union called for a religious war against the Christians in Ethiopia. In 2006, Ethiopians responded by directing numerous troops facilitated by a variety of equipment and resources in the country (Ingiriis, 2018). The Ethiopian force quickly destroyed the union and started to gain control of the capital city. 

The History of Al-Shabaab 

The group acted as a former military section of Al Itihaad Al Islamiya (AIAI), which was an Islamist organization (Rise, 2011). The group becomes integrated into the union as a youth militia group, which enforced its harsh judgments. However, this changed after the Ethiopian Invasion into Somalia. While a majority of the ICU’s leaders escaped from the advancement of the Ethiopians. However, Al Shabaab moved to the southern section of the nation, where they orchestrated a bloody guerilla campaign against the Ethiopian troops in the country. From 2007 and 2008, by utilizing several tactics such as hit and run attacks, the group was able to stop advancing the movement into the southern sections of the country (Marachal, 2011). This success further supported the terrorist movement, which now operated outside the control of the ICU. Al Shabaab established significant support for its call for the expulsion of Ethiopians within the country and the emergence of the Islamic State within the country. Through its class, the movement was able to transform into a considerable military group that controlled a major section of the nation, with the inclusion of the port city Kismayu 

While the Ethiopians invaded Somalia, the battle lines that had been created within the country became static. While Ethiopian forces pushed Al Shabaab into the southern section of the nation, they did not destroy it. Due to continuous harassment, the Ethiopian troops then left the country and were replaced by the arrival of different peacekeepers from Uganda and Burundi. While the group was characterized by violence, it was primarily directed by the courts due to the absence of significant independent power and support. However, after twelve months, Al Shabaab came out of the cover of the ICU to become a highly resistant group with its operations in Somalia (Dobos, 2016). It grew in size and support with a high number of fighters, increased financing, and the considerable support of the local population. Within this time, the existence of local conflicts and the absence of governmental influence drove the emergence of a strong Islamist terrorist group. 

While forces had structured al Shabaab in its early stages, its military and radical aspects were an outcome of foreign entities' interventions, especially the Ethiopian invasion. While the Ethiopian troops were successful in driving the movement out of Mogadishu, they were unable to stamp out Islamic radicalism within the country (Mueller, 2018). Instead, they became the main component supporting the emergence of Al Shabaab. This invasion supported the development of the group’s ideologies, strategies, and partnerships (Ingiriis, 2018). The group then underwent a transformation from a small and moderate Islamic movement into one of the most powerful and radicalized movements within the nation. 

As a part of the ICU, the group's ideology was restricted by the union's moderating capabilities. However, with the destruction of the ICU through military tactics, the moderate leaders went across the border into neighboring nations. Similarly, several militant leaders made the decision to remain and act as a section of the Al Shabaab. Without the presence of a moderate entity to control them, these extremists had complete control over Al Shabaab. This complete control considerably hardened the religious ideologies of the movement. The Al Shabaab became focused on the enforcement of a strict form of shari’a as opposed to what was practiced by the ICU. Due to the Ethiopian invasion, the Al Shabaab also had to define itself as a nationalist movement, as most Muslims were focused on driving Ethiopians from their borders (Ingiriis, 2018). At the time, most of the group’s agenda had no focus on religious struggle, but on reclaiming the country from the outside invasion. 

Al Shabaab's refusal to flee from the country at the time of the Ethiopian Invasion established as the primary active resistance against the Ethiopians. This active resistance resulted in thousands of Somali volunteers fleeing into the country and expanding their membership. A majority of these recruits were individuals in their youth who were motivated to defending their communities and reclaiming their territories. By the end of 2008, this recruitment had resulted in the growth of Al Shabaab from a small militia to a strong resistance force in Somalia (Marachal, 2011). The availability of these fighters transformed Al Shabab from just a group of armed movements into a functionalist Islamic movement. Al Shabaab started several raids and assassinations against Ethiopian troops, which eventually led to their retreat. 

With the elimination of a majority of Islamist factions, Al Shabaab became solitary. In cases where other groups associated with the ICU reformed, the group refused to join. Now larger and with greater popularity in comparison to other Somali groups, ICU no longer had any desire to form partnerships. By 2008, the movement viewed itself as a substantial Somali resistance movement. The absence of adequate political governance also facilitated the growth of the group (Jones et al., 2016). 

The Al Shabaab started to provide commodities and resources that the government was responsible for providing with the inclusion of policing, judicial decision making, and welfare. This created a considerable level of goodwill among the local population and assisted in the construction of close relationships with local leaders (Dobos, 2016). This further support the level of recruitment in the movement, and Al Shabaab had the ability to operate several training camps across the ungoverned sections of the country. Al Shabaab continues to have free operations across the Southern sections of Somalia as well as in other locations within the capital. Since the start of 2008, the movement has increased its use of suicide attacks as the main tool for targeting peacekeepers and civilian leadership within the TFG. The increase in suicide attacks has strengthened its connection with Al Qaeda affiliates across the world. the movement has also made changes to its propaganda as a tool for the portrayal of the country as being a primary entity in the global struggle against the west. 

Analysis: Key Factors in the History of Al Shabaab 

Based on the analysis of existing sources on the history of the Al Shabaab and the history of Somalia, three distinct factors can be identified as having supported the emergence of the movement. 

ICU Militia 

One of the main factors supporting the development of AL Shabaab in Somalia is the existence of ICU. Once the union had been structured, Al Shabaab was an actor within a more extensive section of the group. It acted as a strong-arm militia that enforced the decisions of the courts. While in the ICU, the movement was mainly under the control of the union. This control means that all of its activities were directed and enforced by the ICU. 

As they were restricted by existing clan rules, several leaders within Islamic courts, believed that militias had to exist and act as enforcers of law and order without concern for clan rules. Islamists were also interested in the enforcement of law and order without caring for clan rules for political reasons. At the start of the twenty first century, they had built several Islamic courts, but several of these leaders had been integrated into the Transitional National Government. Due to this concern, militia groups such as the Al Shabaab were recruited as enforcers for the Union. This recruitment resulted in the establishment of the Al Shabaab within Mogadishu. 

Ethiopian Invasion 

Foreign interventions, particularly the invasions by the Ethiopian troops in 2006, had a significant impact on the emergence of the Al Shabaab. Al Shabaab acted as the primary military force with the willingness of resisting the Ethiopians after the ICU had collapsed. Based on this level of willingness, the movement was able to gain support from most of the country’s citizens due to their antipathy against Ethiopia (Ingiriis et al., 2016). This support led to thousands of citizens being recruited into the movement. The presence of Ethiopian troops also facilitated the structure of the group's operational strategy, resulting in its use of guerilla strategies as a way of resisting the invasion. Moreover, by resulting in the escape of ICU leaders from Somalia, the invasion resulted in the movement becoming more radical. At the same time, the movement also severed its ties to other existing organizations. 

The Ethiopians' invasion was also one of the factors with primary responsibility for the ideological shift of the movement. As the group was formed by the remaining sections of the AIAI group, Al Shabaab had been structured by fundamentalists with violent beliefs. As a faction of the union, the Al Shabaab provided support to the union's main goal, which was to impose shari'a law across the country. After the invasion, the leaders of the Al Shabaab had free reign over its direction, which significantly hardened the religious ideology of the group (Ingiriis, 2018). The group not only experienced considerable growth but was also able to cement its Islamist-nationalism ideology. 

Insufficient Governance 

The lack of enough governance enabled the movement to have operations in extensive locations across the southern parts of the country. These operations were not regulated or controlled by any institution within the country. Al Shabaab engaged in the exploitation of this operating space through the construction of several networks of camps for the training of its fighters and the establishment of taxation systems to raise its funds. Further, through the provision of Somalis within these parts with basic services that would have otherwise been provided by the government, the group was able to gain the support of the communities around it. In turn, this support resulted in an increase in the number of individuals that had been recruited. 

After Said had been overthrown, there was no stable government in Somalia that could enforce law and order. The absence of a stable government resulted in sections of land where groups could operate without being controlled or regulated. Therefore, once the Al Shabaab had taken hold over the southern sections of Somalia, there was no government in place to limits its further expansion and inclusion of Somali citizens. This lack of governance was highly beneficial to the movement’s growth in size and capabilities. 

Conclusion 

The Al-Shabaab movement and its growth have resulted in considerable concern due to actions such as killing Somali officials and African Union peacekeepers. Based on an analysis of the history of Somalia and the history of the Al Shabaab, several factors can be identified as supporting the emergence of the terrorist movement. One of these factors is the existence of ICU shari'a courts and militia groups. Al Shabaab was started as a youth militia group, which enforced the harsh judgments that the ICU courts gave out. The Ethiopian invasion as considerably responsible for supporting the growth of the Al Shabaab. The invasion resulted in the collapse of the ICU and the development of the Al Shabaab as an independent group. Lastly, the absence of national governance further supported the spread of the invasion across the southern part of the country. 

References 

Doboš, B. (2016). Shapeshifter of Somalia: Evolution of the political territoriality of Al-Shabaab.  Small Wars & Insurgencies ,  27 (5), 937-957. 

Ingiriis, M. H. (2018). From Al-Itihaad to Al-Shabaab: how the Ethiopian intervention and the 'War on Terror' exacerbated the conflict in Somalia. Third World Quarterly ,  39 (11), 2033-2052. 

Ingiriis, M. H. (2018). The invention of Al-Shabaab in Somalia: Emulating the anti-colonial dervishes movement.  African Affairs ,  117 (467), 217-237. 

Jones, S. G., Liepman, A. M., & Chandler, N. (2016).  Counterterrorism and counterinsurgency in Somalia: assessing the campaign against Al Shabaab . Rand Corporation. 

Marchal, R. (2011). The rise of a Jihadi movement in a country at war.  Harakat al-Shabaab al Mujaheddin in Somalia March . 

Mueller, J. C. (2018). The evolution of political violence: The case of Somalia’s al-Shabaab.  Terrorism and political violence ,  30 (1), 116-141. 

Wise, R. (2011).  al Shabaab . Center for Strategic and International Studies.