In 2019, there were approximately 812,000 law enforcement officers in the U.S. The average age of the officers in that year was 40 years, and their mean annual salary was about 70,446 US dollars (Data U.S., 2019). In 2011, the rate of full-time law enforcement officers per 1,000 residents was at 3.4. Less populated cities with less than 10,000 residents had a better rate of approximately 3.5 officers per 1,000 residents (FBI: UCR, 2011). These statistics demonstrate the magnitude of the police force in the U.S. that is widespread and sufficient to serve over 300 million U.S. population. However, the growth of the law enforcement agencies has taken over a century, with hardships and different phases shaping its current structure (Chism, 2013). Each of the four eras, political, reform, community problem-solving, and information, had its challenges.
In the political error, which started from the 1840s to the 1900s, the police had strong ties with politics. The era was characterized by the introduction of police departments in municipalities. Despite the multiple gains that the police achieved in maintaining law and order in municipalities, political interference and politically instigated bias led to the start of the reform era. The reform era, which started from the 1930s to 1970s, initiated and implemented policies to eliminate the undoing's of the political era policing. In the latter stages of the reform era, policing initiatives depended more on partnership with the local communities than the previous era that had negligible community involvement. The dependency on communities to improve policing led to the community problem-solving era that was unique in its approach. Previously, law enforcement officers were perceived as an enemy of the communities due to their cruel handling of suspected lawbreakers. Also, the close ties between politics and policing in the political era had promoted bias on political affiliations, fueling the rift between the police and some communities. These undoing's made the community problem-solving era unique and most preferred by locals. The community policing approach became a critical strategy for law enforcers in the U.S. and continues to be deployed within the current police agencies to fight crime and promote security. The fourth era, the information era, has scant literature to formalize its existence and mode of operation. The information era believed to have started towards the end of the 20th century was influenced by increased accountability within the police agencies and oversight authorities established by local and national governments. Despite the significant influence of accountability on the information era, the advancement in technologies that made societies information-based has had the most critical impact on the information era of policing. The era deploys improved technology to promote evidence-based policing and intelligence operations to curb crime and promote security. Also, technology has enabled predictive policing that involves using established trends to forecast possible areas of insecurities in society (Hooper, 2014). The predictive abilities have had significant achievements in preventing crimes in societies. The predictive policing aspect was particularly fueled and shaped by the terrorist activities of September 11, 2001. Due to the evolution of formations and mode of operation within different terrorist organizations, the information era had to be more vigilant and adapt to the new challenges, leading to predictive policing.
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Several policy reforms have been implemented across the multiple policing eras to tackle challenges and hardships faced by law enforcement officers. These reforms date back to World War II and have been met with implementation challenges and disruptions. With every implementation of reforms, there have been changes in citizenship models, social practices, and democratic governance that have demanded new strategies within the police to handle emerging challenges. Due to these past challenges, modern policing deploys more racialized harm principles, professional police, and community-policing strategies (Agee, 2017). The evolution of challenges and hardships has also led to increased expenditures on law enforcement officers and all governmental departments mandated to promote public safety. In 2018, local governments spent 119 billion U.S. dollars on police and approximately 130 billion U.S. dollars on corrections and courts (Urban Institute, 2017). According to the Urban Institute (2017), police funding has significantly increased in the information error due to increased challenges and responsibilities of the police. There has been an increase in spending from 43 billion U.S. dollars in 1977 to 119 billion U.S. dollars in 2018, representing a 175 percent positive difference (Urban Institute, 2017).
Despite the evolution of the police demonstrated by different eras, several reforms, and increased funding, there have also been increased responsibilities and challenges that make law enforcement officers persistently face hardships while on duty. According to the American Bar Association, major current responsibilities have expanded, and increased difficulties law enforcers face. The police have to identify and apprehend offenders, reduce the opportunities for the commission of crimes, aid persons in danger, protect the constitution, facilitate movements, assist the needy, and resolve conflicts. It is also within the scope of the police to identify potential law enforcement problems, create and maintain security, preserve civil order, and offer other emergency services on priority needs. These broad responsibilities have increased challenges faced by law enforcers, which the high insecurity rate can demonstrate in the U.S. According to the FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program report, there were 6,925,677 property crime offenses and about 1,203,808 violent crimes in 2019. The year recorded a total of 10,085,210 offenses (FBI, 2019).
There is a need to research more on hardships that law enforcement officers go through because these challenges impact security officers and promote insecurity. Violanti et al. (2017) explain that stress in the police is due to hardships and inhumane environments that they have to endure while at work. Stress is linked to other psychological effects such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) that directly impact police performance, increasing crime rates. Shane (2010) classifies stress as those arising from the content of their jobs, such as work schedules, and organizational stressors such as bureaucracy. These hardships, besides affecting the police, also adversely impact families and communities. An increase in violent crimes, caused by officers' inability to cope with hardships, leads to physical harm and emotional distress, leading to depression, disability, or death. America's Health Rankings (2021) reports that violent crimes place a financial burden on individuals, hospitals, and states. In 2018, homicide was the third-leading cause of death among teenagers and young adults in the U.S. The economic burden of violent crimes alone in 2007 was estimated at 65 billion U.S. dollars (America's Health Rankings, 2021). These statistics make it necessary that law enforcers' hardships be researched to initiate measures and policies that will minimize their adverse impact on officers' health and job performance.
Literature Review
According to Shane's (2010) classification, police stressors are either organizational or related to job content. Job-content stressors include shift work, long work hours, court work, overtime, and work schedules, while organizational stressors such as bureaucracy and co-worker relations depend on characteristics of organizations, culture, and employees' behaviors towards others. Violanti et al. (2017) classify police hardships and stressors into traumatic events, organizational stressors, gender issues, work schedules, and policing and family issues. These hardships and stressors have been researched and explored in several studies and linked to increased insecurity due to the distractions they cause to law enforcement officers.
Traumatic Events
Law enforcement officers are exposed to several stressful experiences in their line of duty. Korre et al. (2014) believe that exposure to traumatic events such as abused children, rape victims, violence, and dead bodies significantly contributes to high-stress levels among officers. In a 2011 study conducted by Papagni et al., researchers determined that exposure to traumatic events changes brain structure, resulting in decreased gray matter quantity in the hippocampi and bilateral anterior cingulate regions. Also, the study found out that stressful life events are linked to illness and mental disorders that significantly derail law enforcement officers from performing their assigned duties.
Korre et al. (2014) surveyed to investigate perceived stress levels and time spent performing law enforcement duties of different varieties. At the time of Korre et al.'s survey, several studies had previously linked health issues to associated stress among law enforcement officers. However, no published study investigated the link between time spent and perceived stress levels among multiple duties and activities that officers perform. The study was the first of this category, involving officers at different seniority levels across 22 different work activities. The study determined that officers from different duty categories and seniority had similar perceptions about hardships and activities that are more stressful than simple routine duties. High on the list among the most stressful activities were witnessing traumatic events, physical altercations, and suspect pursuit. Also, the activities received significant estimated annual durations of exposure, making them a critical determinant of officers' performance at work.
In 2007, Huddleston et al. evaluated the impact of traumatic police experiences on officers' psychological well-being in a study that purposed to rate occupation hazards and formulate their prevention measures. The study was proposed because police officers face repeated exposures to traumatic events that should be categorized as high-risk occupational hazards. Despite the existence of numerous studies that had acknowledged the inherently stressful nature of police work, few studies had been carried out to determine the impact of the stress on officers' psychological well-being. Huddleston et al. (2007) demonstrated that after one year of police work, recruits experienced traumatic events that caused significant psychological distress, such as exacerbation of post-traumatic stress disorder. Recruits who faced one or more traumatic events in the line of duty had a 64 percent higher mean impact of event score than those who had not experienced any traumatic events. The researchers concluded that traumatic stress is a hazard for law enforcement officers and should be considered a critical challenge that affects their performance and adversely impacts the security of their assigned regions.
Organizational Stressors
Organizational stressors are a behavioral, psychological, cognitive, and emotional response to harmful and aggressive events that law enforcers meet at work. The stressors are caused by organizational climate and work environment that occur due to organizational setting or design. Stressors such as management autonomy, flexibility, and decision-making participation are organizational and common among law enforcers. Despite the high prevalence, these stressors are less studied compared to operational stressors.
In 2004, 365 police officers were enrolled in the Buffalo Cardio-Metabolic Occupational Police Stress study that ran for five years. The study was part of the Spielberger Police Stress Survey, a descriptive study established to examine the five most frequent and highly rated stressors that police officers encounter on duty. Parameters measured in the study included frequency, prevalence, and rating of stressors. The researchers also carried out a gender comparison to establish gender bias and the prevalence of stressors for each gender. The study identified several stressors and listed 60 of the most frequent. Two organizational stressors appeared in the top five most frequent stressors. The most frequent organizational stressor was "fellow officers not doing their job," followed by "inadequate or poor quality equipment" (Violanti et al., 2016). In 2010, Shane carried out a more detailed examination of organizational stressors and operation stressors. He compared the impact of the two types of stressors on police performance. He established that organizational stressors had a higher mean score than operational stressors. He demonstrated that organizational stressors contributed to a 45 percent variance in police performance and hurt security outcomes.
In a study related to Shane's examination, Finney et al. (2013) carried out a systematic review of studies to identify organizational stressors linked to job stress and burnout in correctional officers. The study was vital because correctional officers are a critical element that deals with rehabilitation and prevention of recidivism, and their success is critical in reducing offenses in society. Previous studies had reported that correctional officers experience high stress and burnout from organizational stressors, contributing to their poor performance. The study proposed that intervention measures target specific organizational stressors to eliminate stress and burnout and improve officers' performance (Finney et al., 2013). After screening related articles and performing a quality assessment check, Finney et al. identified eight articles that met the inclusion and quality assessment threshold. The articles identified five categories of stressors: job-intrinsic stressors, supervisory relationships, rewards at work, organizational structure and climate, and role in the organization (Finney et al., 2013). Stress-related to organizational structure and climate of correctional institutions were the most consistently linked to job stress and burnout.
Several studies have also linked organizational stress to negative physiological and psychological effects, including the prevalence of cardiovascular diseases among law enforcement officers (Goh et al., 2015; Kivimäki and Kawachi, 2015). In 2015, Goh et al. established that organizational stressors such as work-family conflicts, lack of job control, job insecurity, demanding duties, and lack of support contribute to high cases of mental illness and morbidities that hinder officers' performance. Goh et al. (2015) showed that high job demands such as those experienced by law enforcement officers increase the probability of physician-diagnosed illness by 35 percent. The finding implies that organizational stressors, such as demanding jobs contribute to insecurity due to increased hospitalizations among officers. In a related study, Kivimäki et al. (2012) reported that job strain increased the probability of being diagnosed with cardiovascular disease by 23 percent. Also, Janczura et al. (2015) and Garbarino and Magnavita (2015) established the association between work-related stress and metabolic syndrome in police officers. Hartley et al. (2017) acknowledge that literature on organizational stressors, health, and performance of law enforcement officers is available but insufficient. More research is required to increase the understanding of the magnitude of organizational stressors to assist policymakers in making effective recommendations and intervention measures.
Gender Issues
According to Violanti et al. (2016), female officers experience unique stressors and are sometimes more disadvantaged than male officers. Studies conducted in the 1980s and 1990s demonstrated that gender disparities exist when the frequency and magnitude of stressors among law enforcement officers are evaluated (Violanti et al., 2016). Some of the stressors that show gender bias was instigated by male co-workers and include negative attitudes from male officers, police agencies' failure to accept female officers, the pressure exerted by male officers on female counterparts to prove themselves, and sexual harassment. Lonsway (2006) acknowledges that the U.S. has made formidable efforts to bridge the gender gap in representation but stressors that affect female officers more than male officers continue to persist. In 2006, Morash et al. reported that female officers experience higher levels of harassment and have their abilities underestimated by male officers. Sexual harassment and discrimination were also reported to be prevalent in females, contributing to distress and reduced productivity at work.
Violanti et al.'s (2016) study quantified police stressors by gender, frequency, and prevalence using the 60-item Police Stress Survey formulated in 1981 by Spielberger. Participants' rank was considered to determine if ranks have different perceptions about stressors in the police. The sample consisted of 73 percent males and 72 percent patrol officers. The most frequent stressors reported by the participants were dealing with crisis situations in families, responding to felonies, co-workers' failure to perform their duties, making spontaneous decisions, and inadequate workforce. These stressors were more frequent in one gender. About 83 percent of the officers reported at least one stressor in the past month, with three of the five most prevalent presenting possible physical and psychological danger. Stressors with gender bias included court appearances on day-off or after night-shift, inadequate equipment, and working second jobs. Women had a higher prevalence of being assigned insufficient equipment, and men reported a higher prevalence in court appearances on day-off and working second jobs (Violanti et al., 2016). The study demonstrated that gender-related hardships affected both genders.
Work Schedules
Work schedules that involve shift work are a necessity in police work. However, these schedules are linked to health complications. Violanti et al. (2017) reported that night shifts are linked to increased severity of poor sleep that contributes to sleep disorders. If not well-managed, sleep disorders increase the prevalence of adverse health conditions in officers. Undiagnosed sleep disorders have been linked to increased risk of depression, cardiovascular diseases, and diabetes (Violanti et al., 2017). In a study to determine the impact of sleep disorders on the performance of officers, it was determined that the affected officers reported more administrative errors, sleep-driving, making safety violations, absenteeism, injuries, sick leaves, uncontrolled anger, and decreased cortisol (Violanti et al., 2017; Fekedulegn et al., 2012). Violanti, in a study conducted in 2009, had also determined that shift work is linked to risk factors of several chronic diseases when officers do not have six or more hours of sleep after work. Diseases such as metabolic syndrome were four times prevalent in officers who worked the night shift and had less than 6 hours of sleep. Shift work was also determined to increase systolic blood pressure in female officers and an overall fatigue in both genders. Other health complications associated with shift work include decreased kidney function, higher body mass index, and suicide ideation (Violanti et al., 2017).
Ramey et al. (2012) carried out a cross-sectional study of 85 male officers in Midwestern Police Departments using the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index and, after that, determined the relationship between sleep disorders among shift officers and health complications. Ramey et al. (2012) concluded that officers are susceptible to cardiovascular diseases, obesity, and overweight because of night-shift work that affects their sleep patterns. Relative sleep of officers working night shifts was 14.27 percent poorer than officers working on day shifts. The finding implies that night-shift officers were more likely to be affected by chronic ailments associated with sleep disorders that impact their performance and decrease their overall quality of life.
In 2013, Violanti et al. carried out a more extensive study on the relationship between shift work and long-term injury. The study's objective was to determine if long-term injury leave varied across different shifts among officers from the same organization. The researchers used the Buffalo Cardio-Metabolic Occupational Police Stress (BCOPS), an approved cross-sectional study used by researchers to examine physiological biomarkers of stress, diseases, and lifestyle among law enforcement officers. A sample size of 710 police officers from the Buffalo police department took part in the study that ran for five years. The study deployed questionnaires to collect demographics and acquired services of trained physicians to obtain anthropometric measurements used to calculate body mass index. Average hours of self-reported sleep were determined, and the period of physical activities was recorded in hours. 16-year work history was also available, which provided information about participants' shift records, health, and cumulative work hours. The exposure variable for the study was day, afternoon, or night shift. The Violanti et al. (2013) study participants were monitored for five years, and the first injuries were monitored. Subsequent injuries were ignored because first occurrences have an impact on the rate and severity of subsequent occurrences. Violanti et al. (2013) reported that night shift work was significantly linked to long-term injury in law enforcement officers
In a related study, Waggoner et al. (2012) carried out a combined field and laboratory research to measure the impact of consecutive night-shift work on vigilance, sleepiness, and driving performance of police officers. The study measured the officers' performance on a simulated driving test and their psychomotor vigilance assessed in a laboratory for multiple occasions. The measurement sessions were carried out in the morning after the night shift and at the same time in the morning after consecutive days of off-duty. Twenty-nine male and two female participants took part in the study. The study findings showed officers' poor driving performance, degraded psychomotor vigilance, and sleepiness after five consecutive night shifts. Waggoner et al. (2012) concluded that shift work-induced fatigue should be considered a critical factor when assigning operational tasks to officers. Night shifts decrease the performance of police officers and subject them to injuries when not considered in duty allocation.
Policing and Family
Several stressors have been demonstrated to affect police officers in several ways that adversely impact their health outcomes and decrease their productivity at work. Violanti et al. (2017) showed that police officers are not affected in exclusion, but their co-workers, family, and friends are also adversely impacted. In a 1982 study carried out by Jackson and Maslach, the researchers reported that officers who face frequent and high stress levels were more likely to miss out on family activities, experience marital problems, and divorce (Violanti et al 2017). In 1994, Alexander and Walker carried out a related study and concluded that officers were more likely to take out their stress by reacting angrily to family members or friends (Violanti et al., 2017). Shift work and lack of social support were associated with work-family conflicts, positively linked to degraded health and work outcomes. A significant percentage of police spouses reported experiencing stress that impacted their social relationships.
According to Violanti et al. (2017), policing and family conflicts have a gender bias. Female law enforcement officers reported more cases of work-related stressors that adversely impacted their work-family relations. The stressors that fueled degraded family relations are those discussed under gender issues, including discrimination, sexual harassment, inadequate resources, and lack of support. Violanti et al., 2017 recommend that more support be provided to reduce stress among police officers and improve their family relations. Ironically, the police culture has been unwelcoming to emotional support extended from society. Police officers believe that emotional support from society is risky because it taints their image, portraying them as weak and vulnerable. The perception of a weak security agency does not bode well with some communities that expect police officers to be immune to social stressors (Evans et al., 2013). Using humor to manage stress and family conflicts is not sufficiently effective but is widely acceptable among police officers. Some officers prefer discussing challenging situations with co-workers and seeking peer support, a method that is increasingly effective in female police officers.
Methods
Several researchers used qualitative methods to collect officers' perceptions of stressors and self-reported sleep patterns. For example, Korre et al. (2014), in their survey of stress levels and time spent across law enforcement duties, designed a questionnaire and conducted two independent national interviews. In the first survey, the researchers interviewed police chiefs, collected their views on perceived stress, and ranked stress items from the most stressful to the least stressful. The researchers then conducted a second national survey and asked frontline officers similar questions as the first survey. A comparative analysis was performed on the data obtained to determine the relationship between the police chief and frontline officers' perception and ranking of stress. Spearman's rank correlation coefficient of 0.95 at a 95 percent confidence level was sufficient to conclude that police chief and frontline officers had similar perceptions and ranking of stressors. The value of P < 0.0001 shows that the method was statistically highly significant. Huddleston et al. (2007) also used a qualitative method to evaluate traumatic and organizational experiences on the psychological health of police recruits. However, a causal-comparative research approach was deployed in this study. The researchers took baseline measures, and one year later, organizational events were determined and linked to stress levels before a comparative analysis with baseline results was done. The researchers in Huddleston et al. (2007) study associated organizational stressors to adverse health outcomes such as Posttraumatic Stress Disorder symptoms.
Violanti et al. (2016) deployed a mixed approach that included qualitative and quantitative designs. In the qualitative phase, the researchers used the Police Stress Survey to identify work stressors. Questionnaires were also administered to collect quantitative demographic characteristics such as gender, race, and lifestyle activities that impacted stress levels. After the survey, a comparative analysis between men and women was performed to determine gender-based ratings, frequency, and prevalence of work stressors. Violanti et al.'s (2016) study also included a cross-sectional epidemiologic study (the Buffalo Cardio-Metabolic Occupational Police Stress Study). The cross-sectional epidemiologic study assumed a quantitative approach using the 60-item Spielberger Police Stress Survey. Stress levels were ranked from 0 to 100, and a rating was determined for each reported stressor. Frequencies were also reported by interviewed officers per year and in the past month. A similar method was used in Violanti et al. (2013) when the researchers evaluated long-term injury among police officers and its association with shift work. The researchers used the Buffalo Cardio-Metabolic Occupational Police Stress (BCOPS), a cross-sectional study designed to collect qualitative parameters such as physiological biomarkers of stress, subclinical metabolic and vascular disease markers, lifestyle activities, and psychosocial symptomatology in officers. The quantitative data collected in the study included duration of injuries in days, sick leaves in days, and the number of long-term injuries, defined as those with more than 90 incidence days. The number of hours of sleep per day was also collected, and the average sleep hours during weekdays and weekends were calculated in sleep hours per 24 hours. The intensity of officers' involvement was determined and categorized as a low, moderate, and high work activity.
Waggoner et al.'s (2012) study was the most detailed and complex of the discussed studies. The study deployed mixed methods to assess the impact of the night shift on police officers' operational performance. Waggoner et al.'s approach was more technical because it combined field studies and laboratory experiments. Qualitative data was collected using questionnaires designed to perceive the effects of the night shift on police officers. After the qualitative phase, the researchers designed simulated driving tests and psychomotor vigilance assessment tests. Tests were carried out multiple times after night shifts and after consecutive days of off-days. A comparative analysis was carried out to assess performance and compare after-night-shift scores and after-off-days scores.
Discussion
A common finding in the studies discussed is that law enforcement officers face multiple stressors that adversely impact their health and performance. These stressors adversely contribute to the high rate of insecurity in the U.S., as demonstrated by FBI's data of 10,085,210 offenses within a year. Frequently mentioned stressors are traumatic events, organizational stressors, gender issues, work schedules, and policing and family challenges. Traumatic events are reported to be high stressors in officers, particularly those that involve abused children, rape victims, violence, and dead bodies. These events adversely impact officers' performance and also contribute to adverse health outcomes. Some of the recommended solutions include increased workforce and support when dealing with traumatizing activities. Officers who encounter these events and get back up from co-workers to enhance their decision-making cope better than those who handle these events without adequate backup. Interestingly, police chiefs and patrol officers have similar perceptions about traumatic events and stressors. The uniformity of ideas makes it easier for senior officers to consider backup requests and offer social support to payroll officers.
Despite the demonstrated awareness in police chefs and patrol officers about stressors, junior officers face these challenges because of organizational stressors within security agencies. Organizational stressors, such as "fellow officers not doing their job" and "inadequate or poor quality equipment," are factored by organization culture and structure and can be eliminated through internal policies and proper management. Police chiefs should equip their management skills to create a comfortable work environment to eliminate organizational stressors that adversely impact officers' mental health and performance.
Gender issues were also mentioned by several researchers who found out that some stressors impacted one gender more than the other. Stressors such as court appearances on day-off or after night-shift, inadequate equipment, and working second jobs were found to have a higher prevalence in one gender. For example, court appearances on day-off or after night-shift and working second jobs were prevalent in men than women. On the other hand, inadequate equipment was prevalent in female than male officers. Violanti recommends that gender discrimination and bias be eliminated, and support be accorded to every officer to minimize gender bias. Additionally, police officers face family conflicts fueled by work stressors. The policing and family conflicts affect female officers more than male officers due to discrimination and inadequate social support. Waggoner et al. suggest that peer support is practical, particularly among female officers, and should be part of organizational culture.
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