Citizens and Officer Being Racial Profiled by the Police

Introduction

Racial profiling of citizens and police officers of color refers to the discrimination by law enforcers targeting individuals and other officers of color. It is a deeply troubling and longstanding national crisis in the United States (Morton, 2018). It is a policy approach that affects national, cultural, and racial backgrounds. Racial and ethnic minority people who have been detained by the police are likely to be dissatisfied with the police because of racial discrimination. Members of the ethnic and racial minority and the legal compliance community had a challenging coexistence in this country before and over time. Therefore, racial profiling is an occurrence that happens daily across towns and major cities in the United States, involving law enforcers targeting their colleagues and citizens of color with unnecessary searches, humiliation, and interrogations based on suspicion without evidence of criminal engagements. 

Racial profiling is ineffective and incorrect in society. The detrimental consequences of racial discrimination overshadow its supposed gain in any field where intelligence or law enforcement interacts with society, including criminal, immigration, and national security contexts. The belief that crimes are being abused in today's culture or national security should not legitimize inefficient and unreasonable strategies by law enforcement and security forces in breach of the constitution's charters and degradation of democratic freedoms. The racially profiled groups are unfairly overpoliced, unfairly investigated, and wrongly portrayed throughout the criminal justice system (Bornstein et al., 2012). Therefore, racial profiling is the result of the stereotyping of racialized groups. Racial discrimination victims have been taken from their freedom interests. They are captured, arrested, subjected to unjustified forces, held under detention, and due to their misperception, killed or tortured as a serious threat in most extreme cases. 

Background

In terms of the advantages and disadvantages of racial discrimination, there are many schools of thought. In the middle Ages, the first study investigating the beliefs of alleged heretics was now using profiling. Dr. Bond, who was the first person to use profiling in a completely systemic way as a police surgeon, wrote a description of the unknown British serial assassin known as "Jack the Ripper." The police decided to introduce the profiling technique as they identified how operative it was in the battle against crime. The police service in Cincinnati, which was then known as field interview records, was one of the first departments to launch field questioning campaigns in 1958 (Hong, 2017). As scholars and policymakers strive to understand the effect of racial discrimination on the perception of public law enforcement, the issue of racial profiling has become a contentious subject. 

There are two sides concerning racial discrimination, including those in support of and against the police approach. Critics of racial discrimination question the constitutionality of the tactic. Normal people and academics support this claim that racial discrimination is unconstitutional. It violates racial and ethnic minority civil rights and leads to excessive prevalence in the U.S. law system. Some critics of racial discrimination claim that the tactic is overwhelmingly used for people of color. Racial profiling is a problem that unexplainedly affects people of color, low incomes, and people who have no place to reside (Tolliver et al., 2016). Racial discrimination is a normal occurrence that has developed into an epidemic that will involve systemic reforms, not just an initiative of a few corrupt police officers. Critical race theory (CRT) founder expressed similar thoughts by stating that prejudice is more than just rare behavior by individuals but is widespread in American society and is embedded in law, ethnicity, and cognitive domains. 

Racial profiling supporters agree that the police practice of racial profiling has many benefits. Its proponents say that African Americans are populating certain areas to investigate areas with high levels of violence, property crimes, and gang-related crimes (Heteyi, 2016). Its advocates have also expressed their agreement to the controversial police tactic since they consider it sensitive and successful because certain cultural or ethnic groups are known to participate in illegal activities. These advocates see ethnic discrimination as a dissuasive indicator of crime. Commentators, politicians, academics have adopted the theory of criminology, and the public to minimize crime. The deterrence theory concept clearly states that the greater the risk of punishment, the less likely a crime will happen. However, its supporters are not limited to white and other non-Americans. Some African Americans are also in the group. 

Several current research studies have shown that some African Americans' racial profiling acceptance is an interesting development. These African American advocates of racial profiling are well-known as Black supporters, well-trained, and educated. Researchers found that African Americans who had university degrees favor racial profiling, whereas non-university students are against the approach. Race profiling is an experience of African Americans, systemic and historical, and an unconscious bias of White people who embrace and rationalize such behavior. Multiple reports show that African American and Hispanic engine drivers account for 13.5% of New Jersey state road drivers. Still, they represent 73.2% of New Jersey state patrol drivers who have been pulled over and checked (Hong, 2017). Therefore, several studies have been carried out concerning racial profiling; however, very few, if any, have been under this strategy. A qualitative individual needed to understand how racial profiling affected African American adults. 

However, policing and profiling have been on the rise since 2016, where law enforcers associate higher crime rates to people of color. There are higher chances that blacks are likely to be pulled over, stopped, and harassed by law enforcers in the streets even if there is no evidence showing that they have committed any offense. The information available on stop and frisk are consistently indicating that only about 3% of such searches show some evidence of criminal misconduct. This thus translates to mean that about 97% of the blacks stopped for a search are particularly getting punished merely for belonging to a certain group characterized by the commission of crimes at higher rates (Maitreyi, 2016). 

In the wake of the black lives matter, shocking statistics continue to emerge on police brutality and racial bias both within officers of color in the law enforcement and law enforcers with citizens of color. Police data show that about 1,000 civilians lose their lives every year in the United States to law enforcement officers (Heteyi, 2016). Of the lives lost annually due to the brutality of the law enforcers, civilians of color are two and half times likely to be killed than white civilians in their lifetime (Edwards et al., 2019). In another study, evidence shows that among civilians shot dead by law enforcers, people of color are two times likely to be unarmed (Tolliver et al., 2016). 

Police officers of color equally face discrimination in their course of duty. They are often seen by other officers to likely compromise law enforcement, especially where there are many civilians of color. In enforcing searches, law enforcers of color are likely to use less force on suspects of color than their white counterparts (Pierson, 2020). Police officers of color often get subjected to racist abuse as a way of testing them (Todak, 2018). The police department believes that the law enforcers of color's failure to react to their abuse mean that they cannot react against civilians' abuse of color; thus, their careers cannot be damaged (Hong, 2017). This act seems to perpetuate racism in the police force and enhance racism in law enforcement. 

In research done by Stanford University on the Oakland police department, officers there are likely to stop, search, and handcuff black people than white people. They are less likely to speak respectfully to officers of color than their white counterparts (Shjarback, 2017). The data also indicated that 16,818 people of color were racially abused at the time of the survey, while 3,661 were white citizens (Eberhardt, 2016). Police in Oakland, according to statistics, are 37% likely to have allegations against them continued. Black police officers in Oakland in March 2019 detailed the department's prejudicial culture on hiring, handing out assignments, and punishments in an open letter they wrote (Oakland Police Department, 2020). 

From history, there has been a substantial racial disparity between Latinos and Black Americans in Compton. As blacks dominated, its school and police district subjected Latino kids to racial discrimination, excessive force, and unlawful attacks (Haupt, 2017). Latino and Hispanic children were singled to get arrested by Compton police officers acting in concert with school board members, institutions security guards, and one of the Compton enforcement officers. Police generally assaulted one of these persons for no reason other than their skin color, race, or even voicing their concerns against the school and police abuse (Green, 2018). 

Therefore, from a history of police brutality and racism in Boston, the police singled out black Americans in 2009 for investigation. Also, research indicating persistence in stops, observations, and searches has increased in the past decade. The number of racial disparities has been maintained as in 2019; there was an average of 69 percent stops on black people and 25 percent on white people. Also, from Floyd's death, the number of demonstrations increased (Lykes, Lloyd, & Nicholson, 2018). Therefore, Bostonians have to push for increased transparency from the department and look into the units engaging in discriminatory stops and disband them. 

Besides, from George Floyd's brutal death, ten thousand Sacramento residences took to the street to protest against police brutality and bring to light the evident systematic racism. According to protesters, police in Sacramento use excessive force; for instance, a teen got shot in the jaw with a rubber bullet, which brought about surgery. Reports indicate protesters demonstrating against police brutality and racism, with signs of "Black lives matter," asking for justice for George Floyd and other people killed by the police in Sacramento (Hill, 2017). 

Problem Statement

Racial discrimination is one of the most commonly discussed police tactics in the last three decades. Despite growing efforts to employ racial and ethnic minority officials, expanded training on diversity at all levels, and numerous technological developments in the fight against crime, for example, in mobile data terminals, Geographical Information Systems, and tag captors, the targeting of races remains prevalent in underrepresented communities in America (Hill, 2017). It is important to explore how racial profiling affects members of the African American community as far as their view of police in American today is concerned, to assess if it is a suitable tactic to combat crime. It is also examined how racial profiling affects other people of color in the United States. 

Purpose of the Study 

This study aimed to explore colored American adults' lived experiences about how the discussed police racial profiling practices have affected their perceptions, beliefs, and views about the police. The study examines six police departments NYC, NY, Sacramento, CA, Compton, CA, Oakland, CA, Boston, MA, Atlanta, GA, and how they ascertain hate group membership amongst their potential hires. These police departments were chosen to research because the listed departments have many complaints, and mainly on the west coast, people have been the target in the urban areas. Also, each city has a high population rate of people. Phenomenology research aims to understand the core experience of the individuals while discovering the phenomenon and defining it. 

Therefore, a decision could be made whether racial discrimination was an acceptable policy strategy in America today after this phenomenological research study was concluded. I aimed to find critical data on the suitability of racial profiling and probably provide policymakers with a better understanding of African Americans' views on racial profiling and the difficulties they face. However, the findings of this study phenomenology may also prove invaluable. They were policing tools for the future policy development of police administrators by considering the effects of this discussed approach and the need for alternative anti-crime policies not involving racial profiling. Establishing policies and strategies to tackle a crime that does not include racial discrimination will lead to the correlation between the police and the people of color.

Research Questions

The primary research question that guided this study was: 

Why officers tarting citizens and officers of color and how many complaints are have been filed?

How many lawsuits have been filed against racial profiling?

What’s the percentages of black police officers from the agencies being racially profiled from 2016-2020?

Have the officers been placed on non-contact and under investigation for racially profiled people of color?

Nature of the Study

The methodology selected for this study was a qualitative examination. If researchers support the qualities of equity, availability, membership, and unity of ethnic groups, quality research will vitally impact community law. In this study, six police departments NYC, NY, Sacramento, CA, Compton, CA, Oakland, CA, Boston, MA, and Atlanta, GA, are examined regarding their procedures regarding how they ascertain hate group membership amongst their potential hires. African American adults were interviewed about their living experiences of racial discrimination to understand how this police tactic affected them. This research consisted of a phenomenological research design. The qualitative data obtained from these interviews were analyzed, arranged, and coded to identify existing trends and patterns and for the study participants to gain greater insight into the effect of racial profiling. 

Therefore, this study's design resulted in alternatives to this topic, which offered racial profiling to those who had a chance of voicing their concerns and a personal account of their living experiences. The study's intended goal was to build awareness from the participants' point of view that could help foster a broad understanding of racial discrimination that could contribute to policy reform and the criminal justice system. 

Methodology

A population of 6 police departments NYC, NY, Sacramento, CA, Compton, CA, Oakland, CA, Boston, MA, and Atlanta, GA, were examined regarding their procedures as to if/how they ascertain hate group membership amongst their potential hires was the phenomenological approach to this qualitative research analysis. In a phenomenological study, participants who have encountered the phenomenon under investigation are generally categorized and localized. In contrast to the broader populations commonly associated with quantity studies, qualitative research inquiries generally require fewer research participants. According to Maitreyi (2016), a qualitative researcher uses no traditional means of evaluating the number of study participants to be integrated into a qualitative research sample. For a qualitative inquiry, there are no guidelines on the sample size. The sample size depends on what the researcher wants to determine why the trial is performed and what will give the study legitimacy and verify it for other studies. 

The six police departments are selected for the research since they have many complaints, and mainly on the west coast, people have been targeted in the urban areas. Besides, each city has a high population rate of people. This provides an opportunity to interview those who have racially profiled and their experience in encountering the phenomenon of racial profiling. I am the instrument used while studying for question-making, listening, looking at, and taking notes in a qualitative analysis from a phenomenological approach. For the qualitative investigator, the human observer is the instrument of choice (Hill, 2017). Therefore, qualitative researchers emphasize the enhancement of human observation and do not seek the device's rationalist reliability and validity. A method to gather knowledge is a research instrument. Therefore, I used myself as a research instrument for the collection of data in this research survey. 

Every examination on the six police departments regarding policing and racial profiling was recorded in this research study, and while the participant answers each question. A researcher must be more a listener and less a speaker and let the person who is being interviewed to open up on their experiences. The primary research questions for this study aimed to demonstrate how African Americans perceive racial profiling's politics. This study's design was intended to secrete useful knowledge from adults in African Americans who have received ethnic profiles from various parts of the United States. Therefore, the police departments selected were examined regarding their procedures regarding whether/how they ascertain hate group membership amongst their potential hires. The study's questions were based on why officers are tarting citizens and officers of color and how many complaints have been filed, how many lawsuits have been filed, what are the percentages of black police officers from the agencies being racially profiled from 2016-2020. And have the officers been placed on non-contact and under investigation for racially profiled people of color. 

Data Presentation

Despite a federal court's decision and a reduction in stop and frisk arrests, data analyzed reveals that ethnic inequality has risen in the past five years in New York City. Since 2015, almost half the number of people stopped and frisked. As an example, the figure decreased from 22,563 the following year in 2015 to 12,404 (Hong, 2017). However, amid the rapid decline, there have been further ethnic inequalities. In the last five years, police stopped Black people eight times more than white people. And if the police stop, there is a greater likelihood of minorities being stopped. White women were most hit, so illegal smuggling is more likely to occur. The lowest hit rate is Black men. 

As New York City was deepened in the spring by the novel coronavirus, the police went into a social crackdown. It served to intensify racial tensions due to arrest people's demographics rather than send a message on the importance of preventing the spread of contagion. The New York Police Departments (NYPD) has released evidence supporting reports of minorities being targeted once again by an unfair compliance program, after criticism from outraged lawmakers and community members. Among 125 arrests involving "COVID-19 related" from 16 March to 10 May, 68% were Black, 24% Latino, and just under 7% White, NYPD data indicate (Sewell, 2020). However, the NYPD Commissioner Dermot Shea disputes the claims that his officers are discriminatory and cannot be any far from the truth. 

Although the sampling of social detention distances is limited, critics of equity in how the NYPD enforces legislation argue that it is reflective of numbers that, amid decades of police reform and talk of revisions, have failed to make their blossoms. And advocates are arguing that it is a topic that communities across the world struggle with following George Floyd's death – uneven law enforcement that affects people of color overwhelmingly (Sewell, 2020). New York City was also a focus of outrage in the wake of the Floyd murder, even as Mayor Bill de Blasio and other politicians proclaimed New York as a national model in the last years to make police reform a top priority by a diverse and liberal city. 

According to reports, a high-ranked official in the NYPD was fired from his position and modified duty. This action was right after the investigative council found evidence that he was behind several racial, homophobic, and anti-Semitic public law enforcement board comments. Between the year 2019 on July and September 2020, the officer under the name of "Clouseau" often posted offensive comments on the "Law enforcement rant" attacking Hasidic Jewish, Muslim and Black people with a very derogatory language, based on a draft from the NYC council oversight and investigation division (Sewell, 2020). There is a significant number of pieces of evidence supporting department discrimination against Hispanic and black officers. The bias is claimed to occur since the two groups objected to the longstanding arrests made to Hispanic and Black New Yorkers (Bornstein et al., 2012). 

State laws aimed at tracking and mitigating police's race profiles have created some disturbing findings: law-enforcement racial profiling is uncommon, and police in Sacramento kill Black and Latino people more regularly than those in the white population. The members of the society who want police responsible in some situations do not find much consolation. The report reveals that in 2017 9,459 civil charges had come against Sacramento law enforcement agencies, including 865 racially or identity-profiling charges. However, just 1.5% were retained amongst the racial profiling allegations made that year. About 80 percent of the complaints were either unsuccessful or considered to be baseless. Distrust and anger among communities that feel oppressed or targeted by law enforcement may grow. Therefore, to curb this division, law enforcement agencies must show that civilian allegations are considered, taken seriously, and investigated professionally and thoroughly from investigation to resolution. 

In compliance with a law from 2015, when police in California halt some situation, they must also report their race, sex, and sexual orientation views of someone. The State Ethnic and Identity Advisory Board report provides details on 1.8 million police stops – the overwhelming majority stops – and searches from the eighth largest law enforcement agencies. 15% of the population was Black, but they made up only 6% of the population ( Tolliver et al., 2016 ). Hispanics made up 40% of stops, a slightly higher rate per capita, whereas the white population accounted for one third, a slightly lower rate. Moreover, "higher Black persons than any other racial identity group have been stopped for reasonable suspicion in Compton," reported the Board. Although white suspects were more likely to yield contraband or other evidence, officers were almost three times as likely to pursue Black as White people did. It was much more likely that Black people were stopped and halted at night ( Epp et al., 2017 ). State legislators who formed the Board hoped to see if the agencies would possibly stop motorists of minority groups because of what was widely known as "black driving." 

Oakland police have been nationally supervised for over 15 years in the aftermath of racial profiling and harassment by the police. The city decided to move on to comprehensive police reforms as part of a negotiated settlement in 2007. Riders Settlement forced the Department to continue monitoring, including gathering police stop data and ending discrimination by the police. However, there is growing concerned that federal supervision and improved data collection have not led to any meaningful improvement despite huge price tags, federal supervision, and improved data collection. In the past few years, researchers at Stanford University have assisted in evaluating the data obtained from each police stop and detention. The Oakland Police Department Studies carried out by the Stanford team show that officers from Oakland are much more vulnerable than white people during traffic and pedestrians to stop, search, and handcuff black people. 

Over 200 court proceedings have taken place against U.S. law enforcement officials in Boston with racial and ethnic discrimination claims. In these cases, the normal emphasis was on figuring out why law officials handle different citizens from different ethnic groups. The courts continued to preserve racially prejudicial trends where racial disparities in crime ranking might fairly justify them but consistently have decided against what seem to be simply discriminatory police activities (Sewell, 2020). Besides, the study found that compared to just eight percent of White residents, 17% of Black men reported being stopped two or more times in the previous two years, while 43% reported stopped by Atlanta policing during the past two years and only 25% reported stopping white males.

Analysis of Data

The qualitative phenomenological inquiry aimed at researching, dissecting, and analyzing the perspectives of 6 police departments NYC, NY, Sacramento, CA, Compton, CA, Oakland, CA, Boston, MA, Atlanta, GA regarding their procedures as to how they ascertain hate group membership amongst their potential hires. The goal of this study was to find out how racial profiling affects people. Their views, thoughts, and perceptions of the police were exposed to it. The phenomenological study seeks to achieve the essence of the perceptions of persons' phenomenon during their discovery and definition. The primary investigation question results showed that all study participants felt that during their incident, they were viewed as criminals with racial profiling. Furthermore, the findings showed that most study participants were affected, resulting in a decreased degree of police trust after their meeting. Most research people have said that they felt they were being abused by the police and were afraid of their lives during their meetings. 

The six police agencies departments have justified their policies and methods by assuming that they work to protect the neighborhoods, and they are paid to perform such tasks. Racial profiling or police prejudice is a technique that allows police to gather information about individual groups they like. The data collection allowed police commanders to review the number of traffic stops and field interview reports (FIR) completed daily, weekly, and even months to decide who is being stopped on patrol during police stations. However, command personnel managers are helped gather statistical data from traffic stops within their jurisdiction when unjust numbers of minority drivers have been pulled over and checked by their police and are permitted to deal promptly with the problems. 

Police forces and police authorities are not in agreement regarding race profiling suitability or performance. However, this aggressive police tactic is heard in culture. Even though the exact number is unclear, many states have implemented racial profiling law; particularly, the police forces are forced to obtain datasheets. Several police unions and organizations such as IACP have developed policies and discouraged race discrimination or prejudiced police services ( Hetey et al., 2016 ). While all ethnic groups have described the racial profiling police policy as biased and discriminatory, some people considered the strategy a valuable police tool for fighting illegal activities. The fact that these proponents of racial profiling were Black will confuse many people with the previous argument. An increasing racial profiling pattern in public discourse is the several Black people who support crime tactics and feel it is not a common problem for society. 

The Black racial profiling supporters can be placed in three different groups, namely older Blacks, trained Blacks, and black women. Prior research has provided some fascinating findings on public perception regarding crime in the Black community and Black people's apparent unequal presence in the justice system ( Maitreyi, 2016 ). These study studies also shown that older Black people claim that idleness, parenthood, insubordination, hang around people with dubious characters, analphabetism is the key reasons that Blacks, as opposed to racial discrimination, have been over-represented in the criminal justice system. 

Blacks accounted for 48 percent of those detained in 2019, although they accounted for 24 percent of the overall New York City population, which was more than 8.3 million. Whites, representing 43% of the population, accounted for 11% of the arrests ( Haupt, 2017 ). According to estimates, Spaniards, representing 29% of the population, made up 34%, and Asians, representing 14% of the population, accounted for 6% of the arrests (Green, 2018). Therefore, this shows that racial profiling towards people of color is high compared to the white population. Their cases are highly piled up without proper investigation as they are considered unsuccessful and baseless by the authorities. 

The number of detained and stopped people has decreased by almost half since 2015. For example, the number decreased from 22,563 the following year in 2015 to 12,404. However, the data show that racial inequality has increased, despite the drastic decline. In the last five years, the police have stopped Black people eight times more than white people. The data suggest that minorities are more likely to be hammered out when police stopped. White women had the highest hit rate, suggesting that illegal smuggling was more common. The lowest-hit percentage was in the Black men. Therefore, racial profiling is a pandemic facing the United States, as many people of color and police officers are experiencing the phenomenon. 

Conclusion

America is a nation composed of many ethnic groups. It continues to change daily, and as a result, the police must adapt to meet the ever-changing needs of those who represent and protect their people. However, their agencies' diversification is one of the biggest challenges faced by police agencies in the whole country. The appointment to the role of a police officer of eligible ethnic minority applicants was a lengthy law enforcement effort. It was a daunting proposition, to say the least, to hire people who sometimes find themselves or those who look like them at the focus of the official law enforcement investigation. Ethnic minorities also feel dissatisfied with law enforcement jobs due to problems that directly impact them, such as racial profiling, police misconduct, and corruption in the police. 

Limitations of the Study

There existed many potential constraints on the faith that occurred during the study's completion. The first constraint was that racial profiling was generalized in this country for all African American populations. Therefore, only for persons whose populations match those of the participants must the results of this research study be a generalization. My personal views, feelings, and preconditions on this topic may have hindered my ability to collect and evaluate the data. Besides, the research participants' potential secret plan was the final possible drawback to the legitimacy of this research report. I did not witness any of the researcher's meetings, so the study participant may still have a hidden agenda that they did not mention. 

Recommendations

A qualitative phenomenological study should be carried out, which increases the sample size from six police departments to 34 research participants and changes the sampling strategy from purposeful sampling as a target group for African American adults to random sampling, where racial profiling is the criteria. Besides, there is a need to involve citizens of all ages to understand the experience of racial profiling better. It would enable researchers to compare the impact of racial profiling on different ethnic groups. It would help the researcher understand how the police view the communities they police and provide additional data to bridge the policy gap with the racial, ethnic minority community.

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