Civil Unrest in Colombia

Introduction 

The Colombian conflict commenced during the 1960s as low-intensity asymmetric warfare with paramilitary groupings, Colombian governments, far-left guerrillas, and crime syndicates fighting each other to enhance their impact on Colombian territory. The Colombian armed conflict emerged due to various social political, and economic factors within the country sixty years ago. The origin of the Colombian armed conflict dates back to the year 1920 during the prevalence of agrarian disputes which involved Tequendama and Sumapaz regions. During this period, peasants fought over coffee land ownership, and this caused the conservative and liberal parties to take sides in the course of the conflict. The assassination of Jorge Eliecer Gaitin, during the year 1948 radically ignited the armed conflict by causing the murder of over 4000 individuals by Bogotazo and ten-year rural warfare amid the members of the Colombian Conservative Party and the Colombian Liberal Party; this period was commonly referred to as La Violencia (Montoya, 2015). The La Violencia armed conflict took the lives of over two-hundred thousand individuals in the countryside. Most guerrilla and self-defense units demobilized following the winding down of La Violencia. (Gutierrez & Vargas, 2017). This research paper aims to find the source of civil unrest in Colombia that over the last 50 years has come to be known as “La Violencia”. It will take a look at the different parties involved in the conflict, including the far left, far right, drug cartels, and the government, and identify where their interests lie in securing peace for the nation, as well as explore the history of violence in Latin American Culture. 

FARC 

FARC was founded by Manuel Marulanda Velez and other members of the PCC, in the year 1966. Initially, the group was composed of approximately five-hundred armed militants. A significant number of peasants were also recruited as self-defense groupings for support. Military operations commenced following the raiding of military facilities and posts to accumulate equipment and arms. The primary goal of FARC was to foster the redistribution of land which would subsequently benefit poor farmers. FARC was later weakened by the inception of diplomatic relations amid the Soviet Union and Colombia and the military operations by the government during the early 1970s. During the early 1980s and the later 1970s, the FARC regained its initial influence through the manipulation of the country’s political situation to gain support and finance through extortion and kidnapping activities. Montoya (2015) points out that by the year 1978, the organization maintained its activities on five fronts, and by September the year 1980, FARC was regarded as the most powerful guerrilla grouping. In 1987, FARC militant membership was approximated at 6000; these militants were active in approximately twenty-seven fronts. The FARC military operations increased through the 1990s as the organization continued to establish its wealth from drug-related and kidnapping activities. The guerrillas protected numerous coca farmers from eradication campaigns, and they allowed the farmers to cultivate and commercialize coca for the exchange of tax in the form of crops or money. 

The Colombian peace process in 2012 relates to the dialogue in Cuba amid the FARC-EP and the Colombian government which was aimed at establishing a political resolution to the armed conflict. The FARC and the Colombian government announced an agreement on a six-point strategy towards reconciliation and peace after approximately four years of negotiations. The government also initiated the process of reparation and assistance for the victims of the conflict. Currently, there is a significant reduction in its membership and the number of fronts because of the lack of support from the population in rural regions and the recomposition approaches that have been executed by the government (Montoya, 2015). 

ELN (The National Liberation Army) 

ELN was founded by Fabio Velasquez Castafio in the year 1964, and the Cuban Revolution influenced it. The leadership of ELN constituted of mainly graduates and students of the Industrial University of Santander Department. Initially, the ELN activities were centered mainly on the Department of Santander, and they incorporated the interim control of small urban centers, robbing banks, opening prisons to free prisoners, and delivering anti-government speeches in modest villages with the aim of acquiring recruits. The ELN gained global notoriety in the year 1966 following the recruitment of Father Camilo Torres Restrepo, who was a literate priest of the Roman Catholic Church (Loaiza, Muneton, & Vanegas, 2018). Torres was killed four months later during a confrontation or encounter with an army patrol. During the early 1970s, the ELN was decimated by an effectual military counter-insurgency movement in the region of Anori (the Antioquia municipality). By the year 1975, the ELN had re-attained its strength through engaging in bank robberies, kidnappings, and assassinations which included the murder of Ramon Arturo Rincon Quifiones, the Inspector General of the Army. ELN was the only prominent guerrilla grouping that failed to sign the cease-fire agreement in 1984. During the late 1980s, ELN membership was approximated to be over 1,500. Manuel Perez, a Catholic priest currently head the ELN. The ELN is notorious for its subsequent attacks on Colombian economic organizations and foreign investors; these attacks include attacks directed towards exploratory drilling areas, pipelines, and petroleum installations (Supelano, 2012). 

The M-19 Movements 

M-19 movements trace its origin to the allegedly corrupt presidential elections of 19th April 1970; this was when Rojas Pinilla, of the ANAPO, was outvoted by Misael Pastrana Borrero. In the early 1970s, Jaime Bateman Cayon and Carlos Toledo Plata identified themselves as the principal ideologues and leaders of M-19. The ideological orientation of M-19 incorporated a mixture of nationalistic revolutionary socialism and populism (Supelano, 2012). By the year 1985, the organization was estimated to have a membership of approximately 2000 members. The group's initial operations were centered in urban regions. The group gained its national attention following the theft of Simon Bolivar's spurs and sword by the group. After two years, the grouping kidnapped and killed a union official who was accused of having connections with the CIA. The M-19 initiated a campaign of economic disruption, targeting the offices of international corporations and government officials to constrain foreign investment in the nation. In the year 1980, the annexation and occupation of the Bogota Embassy of the Dominican Republic for 61 days enhanced the attainment of international notoriety by the group. During the seizure, 12 diplomatic individuals were held, hostage. The group later joined the cease-fire agreement in the year 1984. However, during the year 1985, the accord failed, and they initiated armed confrontations. During the year 1985, the group also wounded Samudio, the Commanding General of the Army and executed the seizure of the Palace of Justice located in Bogota. Alvaro Fayad, the M-19's top military and political strategist, was killed in March 1987. Towards the end of the 1980s, M-19 signed a peace agreement with Virgilio Barco's government. Carlos Pizarro, the leader of M-29, became a presidential aspirant but was killed by Medellin Cartel's agents: He was later replaced by Antonio Navarro Wolf (Gutierrez & Vargas, 2017). 

EPL (The Popular Liberation Army) 

According to Loaiza, Muneton & Vanegas (2018), EPL was the major guerrilla grouping that espoused a Maoist political ideology by supporting the conceptualization of protracting popular war. Instituted in the year 1968, as the Marxist Leninist Communist Party’s armed front, its initial military operations were initiated in the Department of Cordoba. Oscar Willian Calvo, Leon Arboleda, Libardo Mora, Francisco Caraballo, and Pedro Vasquez Rendon were the founders of EPL. The demise of its principal leaders and internal dissension in the 1970s lead to the weakening of the group’s operational capacities. The group opted to take part in the cease-fire agreement in the year 1984 although refused to sanction a peace agreement. The group broke the cease-fire agreement following the death of Ernesto Rojas, the EPL’s leader. In the year 1991, EPL signed a peace accord with the government and was allowed to take part in the establishment of the new constitution and the succeeding Congress. 

The Military and the Government 

The military executed the government’s strategies which aimed at directly confronting the guerrilla threat. Whenever the government launched a peace initiative, it directed the military to reduce its attacks on various guerrilla units. The military often contended with the revived and the renewed guerrilla populace following the failure of various peace initiatives. The military was tasked with constitutional obligations to the country other than those incorporated in internal security. Colombia’s armed forces include the National Police, the Air Force, the Navy, and the Army (Loaiza, Muneton, & Vanegas, 2018). 

Drug Cartels 

Initially, a grouping of Americans started the smuggling of marijuana during the 60s and 70s. The American Mafia later initiated the establishment of drug trafficking operations in Colombia in association with local producers of Marijuana. Various drugs manufactured in Colombia such as cocaine were largely consumed in Europe and in the U.S. The Colombian organized crimes become more powerful during the 1970s and the 1980s following the introduction of large drug trafficking operations to the U.S from Colombia. The right-wing paramilitary associations and the left-wing guerrilla groupings assumed various drug-trafficking operations following the dismantling of multiple drug cartels by the Colombian government (Supelano, 2012). The right-wing paramilitary associations and the left-wing guerrilla groupings also resorted to activities such as kidnapping and extortion to raise finances; this subsequently led to the lack of support from the local populace. The raised funds aided in the financing of guerrillas and paramilitaries; it facilitated their capacity to purchase weapons which were utilized to attack civilian and military targets. 

The History of Violence in Latin America 

Mutilations, rape, and murder are among the popular crimes in Latin America. Various Latin American nations such as Guatemala and El Salvador have experienced political conflicts over the years. Violent civil warfare took place in Guatemala and El Salvador during the 1980s and the 1990s. During the early 1990s, Mexico also experienced an armed revolution of the Zapatistas against the Mexican government (Chacon & Mendoza, 2007). Further, according to Chacon & Mendoza (2007), the violence which is still prevalent in various Latin American countries is mainly centered on crimes. The causes of violence in Latin America is usually complex. For instance, in countries such as Guatemala and El Salvador the experience of armed conflict and war acts as a significant feature of violence. The oppressive policies by the government are usually accompanied by the unwillingness to resolve the extensive gap amid the rich and the poor. Social inequality continues to be a significant element in the increased levels of violence in Latin America. Other factors include the rapid urban development and the disintegration of traditional social ties because of migration. 

References 

Gutiérrez-Sanín, F., & Vargas, J. (2017). Agrarian elite participation in Colombia's civil war. Journal of Agrarian Change , 17(4), 739-748. 

Loaiza Quintero, O. L., Muñetón Santa, G., & Vanegas López, J. G. (2018). An exploratory assessment of the relationship between multidimensional poverty and armed conflict: The case of Antioquia, Colombia. Desarrollo Y Sociedad , (80), 11-51. 

Montoya, E. (2015). The Cocaine Trade and the Transformation of the FARC. JUIS: Journal of Undergraduate International Studies , 1927-38. 

In Chacon, R. J., & In Mendoza, R. G. (2007). Latin American indigenous warfare and ritual violence . Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 

Supelano, A. (2012). The Political Economy of Latin America: The Colombian Experience during the 1980s. Journal of Economic Issues (Association For Evolutionary Economic s), 26(3), 845.