Forms of Resistance in Iran and Brazil

Introduction 

According to Sharam Khosravi, resistance refers to a deliberate and organized response to state oppression, while defiance is a spontaneous, uncoordinated everyday challenging of the social order ( Khosravi, 2008 ). The two are, however, different but much related. Most often than not, a resistance begins with defiance, which then escalates into a serious revolt ( Khosravi, 2008 ). In his book, Young and Defiant in Tehran, Khosravi further discusses what Scott (1985) had termed as "everyday forms of resistance," by illuminating issues of concern for the Tehrani young people whose defiance of the authority and the social order of domination by the ruling power is evident. 

Donna M Goldstein, on the other hand, uses humor to express the connection between race, class, gender, sexuality and how the fun was used by the people of Rio De Jadinero to make commentary on the political and economic state of the Rio Shantytowns. The writer's decision to take the humor angle in his book was much inspired by his childhood where he narrates how he observed his neighbors most of whom had survived the Holocaust, throw dinner parties and use humor and laughter to hide or overcome their grief ( Goldstein, 2013 ). His book, Laughter out of place, Goldstein defines fun as a vehicle used to communicate issues that are difficult to express in public or that point to areas of dissatisfaction in the social lives of people. 

The common forms of resistance that James Scott discusses are depicted in the oppositional cultures of poor Afro-Brazilians and the Culture of Defiance of the young Tehrani's in Iran. The forms of resistance in Brazil and Iran have their differences and comparisons and are greatly influenced by class, crime, and religion ( Goldstein, 2013 ). This paper, therefore, seeks to discuss the everyday forms of resistance in both Brazil and Iran, the factors that fueled the opposition and the dominant cultures and oppression of the subordinate groups. 

Everyday forms of resistance 

In Weapons of the weak; everyday forms of resistance (1985), a book was written by James C. Scott; he looks at the response of slaves and peasants to oppression and dominance. Such responses that they expressed every day are what Scott looked deeper into terming them as everyday forms of resistance such as foot-dragging, evasion, false compliance, pilfering, ignorance, sabotage, and slander. These forms of resistance are the simple things that people do to show dissatisfaction of a social order full of hegemony and lack of liberty. Where violence is used to maintain the status quo, Scott gives examples of measures used to resist the abuse of power, including rumors, metaphors, gossip, gestures, disguises, rituals, among others ( Khosravi, 2008 ). The writer says that such measures could be referred to as symbolic or ideological resistance. He further talks about lower class resistance stating that it is not necessarily a collective action. He adds that such resistance may fail to succeed and lead to consequences that those resisting had not expected. 

We get a much more precise understanding of the meaning of everyday forms of resistance through the analysis of the defiance of the youths in Iran narrated in the book Young and defiant in Tehran. Just as the peasant whose experiences are given by Scott, these young ones use evasion, non-compliance and other everyday forms of resistance to resist the authority which seems to be undermining their rights to freedom and creating dominance and oppression in the society ( Khosravi, 2008 ). Simple ways of life such as dancing and wearing T-shirts that may have specific messages would be seen as resistance by the Islamic state authority in Iran, despite the youths not having any intentions to resist. Such acts were read as defiance. The poor communities in Rio De Jadinero are seen to exist in a state whose power structures appear to be oppressive and unpredictable in terms of its treatment of the citizens. They thus live expressing everyday forms of resistance such as pretense of compliance, aimed at not necessarily opposing and rebelling against the authority, but mostly for survival in the harsh conditions. 

Comparison of the forms of resistance among Afro-Brazilian and young Tehran's 

The resistance among the poor Afro-Brazilians and the young in Tehrani had some common grounds. Both were inspired by the fact that the subjects existed in states that were characterized by social hegemony and were the subordinate groups facing oppression ( Goldstein, 2013 ). Violence takes center stage in the resistance of both groups and the spirit and needs for a better life is also expressed in the various simple ways termed as everyday resistance. 

The form taken in each resistance is, however, unique. The Brazilians use humor as a form of resistance, choosing laughter and humorous commentary as a reaction to grief and frustration. A character in the book, Laughter out of place by Goldstein, called Gloria wants to laugh when her husband who had abandoned her and the son tears following the death of their son who was murdered in the streets (Goldstein, 2013). Despite the feeling the pain of losing his son, Gloria turns to satirical laughter, saying that she is forced to stay healthy for her other children who still need her. In Tehran, young people are dominated and suppressed by authority regardless of their social status ( Khosravi, 2008 ). It was surrounded by issues such as unemployment especially among the youths, drug addiction, poverty, and crimes such as robbery. The resistance in Brazil was characterized by rape, gang murders, child abandonment, and poverty and other struggles. Poverty was, therefore, a shared aspect of both resistance. However, the zeal witnessed among the youths in Tehran in their generational opposition outweighed that experienced among the poor Afro-Brazilian who appeared shy of confrontation, choosing to go for symbolic resistance. 

The dominant culture and its effects 

In both Afro-Brazilian and Tehran youths resistance, there is a culture of dominance which comes out as an abuse of power by those in authority. In both states, the administration fails to address pertinent issues affecting the citizens and instead focuses on the issues that it considers to threaten its authority. The Iran government felt threatened by the vibrancy and the muscular appearance of the youths in Tehran ( Khosravi, 2008 ). The murder in the streets and the rape instances also depict a case of misplaced priorities of the authority. This dominance culture undermines and oppresses the people involved in both resistance. 

Contribution of class, crime, and religion. 

The poor Afro-Brazilian were oppressed because of their status in society. They were deemed incapable because they were the low class in the community, who could be dominated easily. Due to the poverty in this social status, some of them resorted to crime such as drug trafficking and even drug abuse. Gloria's son in the book, Laughter out of place was killed while at the peak of his career as a drug lord (Goldstein, 2013). This situation shows that class and crime participated in the resistance. Religion was also a contributor. In Iran, the Islamic state authority felt threatened by youths of Tehran even by simple harmless actions such as dancing and wearing T-shirts which they considered inappropriate religiously and took as an act of defiance of the religious laws ( Khosravi, 2008 ). These three factors class, religion, and crime, therefore, significantly participated in both generational resistance among the youths in Tehran and the symbolic resistance among the poor Afro-Brazilian. 

Article 2: The concept of carnivalesque 

Definition of Carnivalesque 

In Laughter Out of Place, Charnivalesque is a way the poor people in Brazil use humor to make fun of the wealthy while poking fun at the unfortunate circumstances in which they find themselves. The humor is a way of mocking the world and its madness and seems to be unconscious masking of deep personal feelings that are too painful to deal with directly. In the Brazilian context, it makes fun of dead, sexualized, and grotesque bodies and the death of poor bodies (Goldstein, 2013). In this context, making fun of the death of a family member or rape or any injustice can only be understood by knowing intimately what the lives of the class of these people look like from their perspectives. 

According to Khosravi, Charnivalesque is a way the kids in Iran extend the use of carnival festivals and their subversive laughers to express their social consciousness and. It is a way for the young people to destabilize the normative modesty imposed both by the state and by the parental generation. Carnivalesque is a way for the youth to defy the cultural and religious practices that have been imposed against them to curb what the state calls 'immoral behaviors' such as girls watching a football match in a stadium or unrelated youths of the opposite sex walking together in public( Khosravi, 2008 ). 

Carnivalesque and the 'Low' Culture 

Carnivalesque is associated with cultures deemed 'low' or 'other' whose 'tastes' go against mainstream norms. This aspect arises since it is those people in the society who use carivalesque to express themselves and deal with their pain. Usually, they are people who have no say in the community, they are involved in cultural or religious conflict, are discriminated as in Brazil or oppressed as it is the case in Tehran, or their economic and financial capabilities are limited as it is both the case in Brazil and Tehran (Goldstein, 2013; Khosravi, 2008). The death of Zeca who dies in a poor man's hospital due to negligence in Brazil is a good example 

Carnivalesque in the context 

In the Brazilian context, carnivalesque is seen as a way of coping or dealing with some painful realities, such as death or rape of a family member. It is seen as a struggle between classes over the appropriation of economic goods other distinctive signs. For people like Gloria, it's the carnivalesque laughter that helps deal with the everyday violence they experience (Goldstein, 2013). She loved to tell the black-humored story of how she broke the news of her sister's death to her husband, which leads to a misunderstanding and a funny exchange. Zeca's tragic death is also told humorously, which gives people the strength to deal with it. 

Carnivalesque in Tehran context is expressed in the way of revolting and defying the authorities. The youths don't fear the authorities or their parents. They have made their defiance something that is enjoyable. Dara says that the carnival festival is enjoyable only when there are more Basijis, the moral police ( Khosravi, 2008 ). They are determined to show the state and their parental generation that they are tired of those rules. They do what they are not allowed to, such as playing forbidden music, taking alcohol, or playing rock music in the basement. 

Forms of Carnivalesque manifestation in Brazil 

Carnivalesque in Brazil manifest in different types. Firstly, it manifests as humor, especially black humor, which is seen throughout the text. Gloria and her friends use humor in so many instances to cope with their injustices and poor states, such as the death of Zeca due to doctor's negligence and her sister's (Goldstein, 2013). Zeca, a child and one from a poor family dies while doctors are smoking. Secondly, it manifests as laughter, as Brazilians who are unable to revolt use their laughter to oppose "official Brazilian racial, class, and gender ideology." Rebelling against the other race will only make things worse for them. 

In Tehran, carnivalesque manifests in the form using carnival festivals to defy the rules set by the state and the parental generation. These acts of defiance are seen in different places including spaces at the public taxi, coffee shops, the basement and drinking alcohol and playing forbidden music in Mount Alborz ( Khosravi, 2008 ). Another form that carnivalesque manifests are through laughter, where the laughter of youths in the Iranian mountains was subversive. The hill in Tehran was a scene for the laughter that was represented by the official culture. The teenagers laughed to provoke the Basijis, the moral police. Most youths find it amusing, even taxi drivers. 

Cultural context as a determinant of Carnivalesque forms 

Culture plays a significant role in determining the kind of carnivalesque and the meaning of carnivalesque in a different context. The culture in Brazil is different from that of Tehran. In Brazil, there is racial and class disparity. Therefore, the form of carnivalesque seen is majorly to help the poor cope with their situation (Goldstein, 2013). They know that they cannot revolt and so they resort to laughter and humor to oppose the racist. However, in Tehran, it is a religion which plays a significant role in the form of carnivalesque. There is no discrimination but religious rules which the youths find unrealistic. This, therefore, leads to a kind of defiance by the youths. This is a situation where strict rules of religion have to be followed, but the youths are not willing to as some rules are absurd. 

The role of taste in Carnivalesque 

In the Brazilian context, taste plays the role of legitimizing social differences and one's cultural orientation, that is, one's "sense of place" in the world. It is seen as a way in which certain classes or groups gain and maintain power with the social order. For Gloria and her network of a friend, their place in the society is a black race, one which is segregated by the other and are fully aware that they have no powers over the other race. With Tehran, on the other hand, the test is used to describe the quality of something. Iranians describe the influence of culture on its youth "foreign test" as "bazari taste" (bazari pasand) which refers to cheap, low quality of Iranian made ( Khosravi, 2008 ). This brings about conflict between the state and the youth as this foreign culture is seen immoral. 

Effects of Carnivalesque 

The effects of carnivalesque are seen in different ways. First, it is used as a release mechanism for the marginalized or segregated group. For instance, Gloria and her network of friends use carnivalesque laughter to oppose "official Brazilian racial, class, and gender ideology"(Goldstein, 2013 p. 59). They know very well that they cannot revolt against their oppressor, and the best way to relieve their stress is by letting it out through humor. Carnivalesque sets them free from stress and by helping them to cope with their situation. 

As much as carnivalesque is useful in relieving psychological stress, it can also result in unwanted activities and violence. The youths in Tehran have engaged in violent activities including beating a: Basijis police, making violent fire-works which sound like a hand grenade, acting immorally in public tax spaces and engaging in taking alcohol. Most of them enjoy doing this. A good example, a taxi driver picks up a cleric on the way on a hot and sunny day who was actually on a shade, only to leave him in the middle of nowhere, without a shadow. 

References 

Goldstein, D. M. (2013).    Laughter out of place: Race, class, violence, and sexuality in a Rio shantytown . Oakland, CA: Univ of California Press. 

Khosravi, S. (2008).    Young and defiant in Tehran . Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press.