The coronavirus pandemic has become a global public health problem that has brought anomic circumstances impacting the daily practices of individuals year (Boman & Gallupe, 2020). In response to the pandemic, governments worldwide legislated for the cessation of movement and non-essential contact (Campedelli et al., 2020) . These measures specifically altered regular routines with the introduction of lockdowns, social distancing restricted travel, isolation, shelter-in-place, and quarantine orders had unanticipated effects on crime year (Boman & Gallupe, 2020). As the pandemic progressed, these measures were put in place to slow the spread of the disease and minimize the intensity of the peak demand for scarce healthcare resources (Campedelli et al., 2020) . The impacts of coronavirus and the resulting effects of lockdowns have been negative – increased death toll, unemployment, job losses, and an impending global financial crisis. As the pandemic showed no signs of slowing down, daily travelers were forced to devote most of their days at home, family members to stay in the same residential, and individuals can only connect with each other telematically year (Boman & Gallupe, 2020). However, the impacts of the virus, and the instituted lockdown policies, extend beyond the change of people’s everyday social relations and everyday routines. This paper investigates how COVID-19 containment strategies had a direct influence on increased homicide trends in the United States. The paper also examines how community-based interventions can be used as a solution for violence in the wake of COVID-19 lockdowns.
Since the onset of COID-19, security experts, and researchers in the United States have reported that crime has decreased across the United States. The standard metric used to support these claims is the police reports for 911 calls (Halford et al., 2020) . This is because 911 calls can be tracked over time with security experts, researchers, and leading news outlets providers such as USA Today, The New York Times, and CNN. However, as anecdotal evidence points towards decreased crime rates since states deployed lockdown measures, there is consistent evidence that certain crimes across the country have seen jumps during the global pandemic (Halford et al., 2020) . The largest increase has been in violent crimes, especially gun violence, aggravated assault, and murder. Preliminary data from the Federal Bureau of Investigating (FBI) indicted that murder and non-negligent homicides soared by 15 percent throughout the first six months of 2020, contrasted to the same period in 2019 (Campedelli et al., 2020) . The Council of Criminal Justice (CCJ) reported that there was a 53 percent increase in homicides in more than 27 major U.S. cities compared to the previous year (Campedelli et al., 2020) . Another report by the Gun Violence Archive (GVA) showed that the United States had recorded 13,641 homicides, unintentional gun-related violence, and murders as of September 2020 (Halford et al., 2020) . This was a 90 percent increase in the total homicides, murders, and gun-related cases that GVA reported in 2019 (Campedelli et al., 2020) .
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The Surge of Homicides in the United States
As the United States struggles to contain the COVID-19 pandemic and economic disruption, the country is plagued with a steady rise in homicide rates across America's largest cities (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020). There has been a sharp rise in the rate of homicides being experienced across large cities in the U.S. in the current year (Boman & Gallupe, 2020). This indicates a new public safety risk released during the COVID-19 pandemic and amid a national backlash against policing strategies and recession (Halford et al., 2020) . The rate of homicides across the United States increased by more than 28 percent in the first nine months of 2019, aggravated assault grew by 9 percent, while rapes and robbers plunged compared to the same period in 2019 (Boman & Gallupe, 2020). Most large cities in the U.S., comprising Chicago, Philadelphia, and New York, have been plagued by a surge in shootings and subsequent fatalities, escalating the debate over gun perpetrated violence, which has hugely affected communities crippled by the ensuring recession and the coronavirus pandemic (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020). In August, there were more than 780 shootings reported in New York City, which is more than the city had in the same period in 2019. In 2020 alone, Philadelphia has experienced more than 1,00 shootings and the killing of more than 240 people (Boman & Gallupe, 2020). According to statistics released by the Chicago Police Department in August, there were 440 homicides, and more than 2,240 people were shot in the first seven months of 2020 (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020).
With shelter-in-place procedures and pervasive administrative closures across the United Stated attributed to the coronavirus pandemic are to remain in place for a prolonged period (Campedelli et al., 2020) . Stress and other risk factors for homicides, such as limited social support, unemployment, diminished income, and constrained resources, are likely to increase in the foreseeable future (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020). The increase in homicides has been linked to the buildup of stressful occurrences and the absence of social support systems as a result of coronavirus (Stoianova, Ostrovska, & Tripulskyir, 2020). Social isolation, low income, economic stress, emotional insecurity, and unemployment are contributing risk factors for the surge in homicides as adults and children have been victims of shootings (Campedelli et al., 2020) . The public measures instituted to control the virus's spread lead to people spending more time at home and lost the importance of social interactions. Consequently, places where crime occurs and the opportunities for criminal activities are also likely to change based on past experiences and observations (Stoianova, Ostrovska, & Tripulskyir, 2020). Therefore, the pandemic created the perfect conductions by compelling people to stay inside and also adversely impacted the normal operations of the criminal justice system (Halford et al., 2020) .
The coronavirus pandemic has presented complex choices for law enforcement agencies and the criminal justice system between protecting the health of those under the criminal justice system and ensuring public safety (Campedelli et al., 2020) . Most researchers and security analysts anticipated that the coronavirus would increase some types of crimes while reducing others and that gun violence, homicides, and domestic violence will increase due to the limits of social isolation (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020).
Research conducted by the Wall Street Journal found that homicides were up by 24 percent among the 50 largest cities in the United States to 3,620 in 2020 (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020). Gun violence and shootings also rose at alarming rates, although other violent crimes such as robbery fell. Los Angeles recorded an all-time high of more than 300 homicides for the first time since 2009 (Boman & Gallupe, 2020). Researchers and criminologists studying the increased rates of homicides point to the adverse effects the COVID-19 epidemic has had on every aspect of society, from mental health to policing in a time where social distancing has made it impossible for law enforcement agencies to perform community outreach initiatives that helped mitigate violence (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020). Experts also attribute the sudden rise or fall in homicide rates and other types of crimes to the "routine activity theory" that holds the notion that crime as a result of three factors: the supply of offenders, the supply of victims, and the inventions between the society's guardians – including schools, churches and the police (Halford et al., 2020 ). Thus, coronavirus has highlighted the vulnerabilities that communities in the United States were already experiencing that requires the intervention of the federal government (Halford et al., 2020) .
Theories for Increased Homicide Rates in the United States
The absence of trust between communities and law enforcement is a major driver for increased gun violence across cities in the United States (Miller & Blumstein, 2020) . In recent years, the United States has experienced a series of high-profile cases of police violence – from Eric Garner, Tamir Rice and Michael Brown to Jacob Blake, George Floyd, and Breonna Taylor – especially to disadvantaged communities of color that have pulled back from law enforcement due to lost confidence and breached trust (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020). The recent spikes in homicide rates can be linked to those found in 2015 and 2016 following the aftermath of the protests that were associated with police brutality cases found in Baltimore, Missouri, and Ferguson (Stoianova, Ostrovska,& Tripulskyir, 2020). The acts of police brutality and the high numbers of unresolved homicides and shootings have made people less likely to incorporate their trust in law enforcement (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020). They are more likely to pursue vigilante justice, according to researchers. Experts also claim that when the police are experiencing a diminished legacy, the general public is less likely to call the police when they know of a crime, and they are less willing to cooperate or when they are asked to cooperate in an active investigation (Stoianova, Ostrovska, & Tripulskyir, 2020).
African Americans and Latino communities are disproportionately by gun violence in city neighborhoods. People of color constitute more than half of all murder cases in the United States (Miller & Blumstein, 2020) . African American men consist of less than 8 percent of America's populace but 51 percent of homicide casualties. More than half of murders of African Americans do not result in an arrest, and more than three-quarters of unresolved murders in large cities across the United States involve people of color (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020). Other than distrust in law enforcement, experts have reported a decline in witness engagement and cooperation, the underreporting of crimes, and less informed policing that have resulted in increased violence (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020).
Secondly, the increase in homicides can be attributed to the coronavirus's impacts against law enforcement agencies that have caused them to redirect police officers from proactive anti-crime programs (Miller & Blumstein, 2020) . This could also be due to the strategic redeployment of forces to remedy arrests or virus-related budget cuts. The pandemic has also impacted the way law enforcement conducts policing while on patrol, such as the checking of vehicles, monitoring of buildings, and conducting interviews with citizens or with business owners (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020). In addition, the police have been urged to stay in their vehicles and maintain social distancing, which has adversely impacted their operational efficiency.
Thirdly, increased homicide rates have been pointed towards the economic effects of the pandemic. The stressors imposed by the pandemic compounded by socioeconomic factors such as unemployment, hunger, poverty, and housing instability are fueling tensions and resulting in violence (Miller & Blumstein, 2020) . With the shutdown of schools, police claim this has given rise to juvenile violence. The number of citizens seeking unemployment benefits rose to 32.8 million through the week ending July 18, and as of August 7, unemployment rates in the U.S. were at 11.2 percent, three times higher than the rate in February. Researchers claim that these are valid reasons for the rise in the number of homicide cases as opposed to the impacts of protests.
Lastly, the increased murders can be attributed to a spike in gun ownership, including first-time gun owners (Stoianova, Ostrovska, & Tripulskyir, 2020). Americans are buying firearms at extraordinary rates. From March to May, there were more than 2 million firearm acquisitions (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020). This represents a 64 percent increase over the expected volume. Researchers claim that interpersonal firearm violence increased exponentially, with 17 percent more injuries than expected (Stoianova, Ostrovska, & Tripulskyir, 2020). A Brookings study found that the spike in firearms sales was much higher in states with the highest racial divide rates (Stoianova, Ostrovska, & Tripulskyir, 2020). Indicates that despite the racial divide, police brutality, and an economic downturn, most Americans are choosing to arm themselves in the event that circumstances get worse (Altheimer, Duda-Banwar, & Schreck, 2020). Research also shows that economic stress and gun access could significantly increase the risk of adult suicide. Miller & Blumstein (2020) allege that the United States could experience an increase in firearm-related suicides that could lead to an estimated 7,000 deaths in 2020 due to the economic crisis caused by the pandemic. However, Miller & Blumstein (2020) assert that these forecasts do not consider the number of firearm-related deaths due to social isolation and increased access to guns. However, they indicate a strong correlation between financial loss, unemployment, suicide, and job security.
Solutions
Traditionally Americans view law enforcement and the criminal justice system as the primary vehicles for fostering public safety (Latzer, 2018). The police force and the criminal justice system are arms of the government that have been tasked with the mission of public safety, making them the organizations with the mandate and the resource to respond to issues in public safety (Sharkey et al., 2017). When there is a decline in the rates of crime, police are congratulated, but when there is an increase, the police are rarely held accountable (Latzer, 2018).
Security researchers and experts across the United States recommend establishing the Office of the Neighborhood safety (ONS) to compliment the efforts of law enforcement and the criminal justice system as a community-based intervention (Sharkey et al., 2017). The ONS, as a security agency, is supposed to operate parallel to law enforcement by driving gun violence and intervention strategies to promote public safety and community well-being. The establishment of the Richmond ONS chapter in 2007 when Richmond has the highest rates of murder in California (Sharkey et al., 2017). In 2007, Richmond reported 45.9 homicides per 100,000 people, which was eight times the national average (Latzer, 2018). In 2017, the homicide rates in Richmond had dropped by 80 percent – nine homicides per 100,000 people. ONS initiatives were associated with a 60 percent reduction of homicides and hospitalizations and a 44 decrease in firearm-related health (Latzer, 2018). Based on this, Richmond provides important policing lessons for cities across the United States on how to reduce the scope of policing and invest in community-driven approaches to public safety (Latzer, 2018).
Office of the neighborhood safety initiatives act hub for non-punitive strategies to public safety. One of the approaches includes violence interruptions. Research in cities stipulates that the largest percentage of violent crimes can be attributed to a small group of individuals in the community (Sharkey et al., 2017). To promote safety, community initiatives must engage with this group, a task ill-matched for law enforcement since the individuals at the greatest risk of violence are distrustful of law enforcement (Latzer, 2018). The violence interruption model employs the use of community outreach members who may be able to connect with high-risk persons based on shared backgrounds and life encounters that have been tasked with identifying and resolving conflicts (Sharkey et al., 2017).
The second approach involves transformative mentoring, that promotes positive behavioral change among high-risk individuals (Latzer, 2018). This approach relies on community-outreach messengers to provide thorough and one-on-one mentorship for high-risk individuals. This method also employs the use of cognitive-behavioral therapy principles to help individuals unlearn their unhealthy behaviors (Sharkey et al., 2017). It is common knowledge that deep-seated behaviors do not change overnight, requiring community outreach programs to provide long-term and intensive commitment from mentors.
Conclusion
For centuries, the public safety agendas for small and large cities have been defined by law enforcement. With the rise in homicide rates across cities in the United States, local leaders have the opportunity to engage in community-based safety interventions. Researches and security experts are recommending strategies that do not rely on the public justice system for addressing homelessness, behavioral issues, and substance abuse. The coronavirus pandemic has also exposed the service gaps, vulnerabilities, and inequalities in the United States. Therefore, very individual in the community deserves to feel safe in the neighborhoods, empowered to make their voices heard, and valued by their leaders.
References
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