Executive Summary
The essay discusses police brutality against people of color, the blue wall of silence, and how to dismantle the institutional injustice. Although black people account for only 13% of the US population, they account for over 31% of police killing victims ( Holmes, 2017) . However, the problem is not just a few bad officers but the culture of American policing. It appears that the culture of American policing does not encourage good police officer to speak out or discourage bad police officers from engaging in some of the improper actions. The notion of police brutality was evident in the 1960s after decades of police brutality, abuse of power and oppression against people of color. Despite the outcry against police brutality, the vice continues to affect people of color. The protests against negative police culture should be proactive rather than reactive.
Introduction
Over the past century, police brutality against people of color in the US has increased despite the fight for equal rights. A video in Austin showed a police video of an officer throwing an unarmed black woman violently to the ground and telling her that black people tend to have “violent tendencies.” The police chiefs always stick to the script despite the evidence showing that there is police brutality against people of color. Police are highly likely to defend their own because of the ‘blue wall of silence.’ Cellphone cameras have recorded endless footages of police brutality such as the shooting of Alton Sterling while he was pinned to the ground and the shooting of unarmed Walter Scott in the back ( Jeffries, D., & Jeffries, R., 2017) . The evidence simply shows the institutional denial of justice for the people of color. The essay will discuss police brutality against people of color, the blue wall of silence, and how to dismantle the institutional injustice.
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Racial Disparities in the use of Police Force
Research shows that black people are more likely to be short or killed by police officers in comparison to their white counterparts. An evaluation of data from the FBI shows that the police kill people of color at disproportionate rates. Although black people account for only 13% of the US population, they account for over 31% of police killing victims. The rate of killing could be higher because the data is incomplete and it highly depended on voluntary police reports. The disparities are even higher for the unarmed suspects according to analysis carried out by various researchers. Although racial minorities account for 37.4% of the US population, they account for more than 63% of the unarmed people who were killed by the police ( Holmes, 2017) .
Figure 1 showing the disproportionate victims of police brutality ( Webster, 2017) .
It is obvious that some police officers are not only racist but also bad people. However, the problem is not just a few bad officers but the culture of American policing. It appears that the culture of American policing does not encourage good police officer to speak out or discourage bad police officers from engaging in some of the improper actions. In fact, the negative police culture leaves the segment of the population that is disenfranchised and disempowered vulnerable to bad police officers with firearms, violent tendencies, and badges ( Holmes, 2017) . The police brutality does not affect only the male people of color but also women of color. Some black women have had to pay the price because of the good police officers who cannot speak out against the negative police culture. Although most of the cases are rarely captured on video, there are very many cases of police officers mistreating women of color while their partners look the other way just because of the blue wall of silence.
A number of commercial sex workers argue that the police could have taken advantage of them sexually while there are countless cases of incarcerated women who have experienced very many occurrences of abuse at the hands of their correction officers. However, the ‘good police officers' still go home and come back the next day. Research shows that police brutality against people of color extends to violence against their spouses. About 40% of law enforcement families experience violence at the hand of their spouses but they are afraid to speak out because their spouses are in authority and it is highly likely that they may be ignored or threatened by other officers while the ‘good' police officers look the other way ( Jeffries, D., & Jeffries, R., 2017) . Even when the victims speak up, the issue is often handled in-house and the violent police officer would only be asked to go for counseling will rarely face a courtroom or a jail sentence. In fact, women who are married to police officers may have a lot to fear from the police officers than the people of color.
History of Police Brutality against Black People
Despite the videos showing police brutality against Philando Castile, the jury acquitted Jeronimo Yanez, the police officer who killed Philando of all the charges against him. The same night when Yanez was acquitted, chants of ‘Philando Philando’ rang out while there were various protests in the entire country with signs that read “No Justice No Peace” and “Black Lives Matter.” However, familiar scenes have occurred in America but the police officers accused of brutality have always been acquitted. In 2016, over 233 people of color were shot dead by the police ( Jeffries, D., & Jeffries, R., 2017) . Research shows that black people are 2.5 times more likely to be shot and killed by police officers than their white counterparts.
Figure 2 showing a picture of a banner taken in 1963.
The protests against police brutality have taken place for about six decades. Figure 2 is placed in the National Museum of African American History and Culture and was used during the 1963 March on Washington. The banner was once white but it continues to yellow as a sign that the violence and oppression against people of color have affected them for many generations. Nevertheless, the message is still relevant over 50 years later and black people are suffering because of police brutality. During the iconic speech "I Have a Dream" by Martin Luther King, Jr., he insisted that black people should never be satisfied as long as they are the victim of countless horrors and brutality by police officers ( Knopf, 2017) .
The notion of police brutality was evident in the 1960s after decades of police brutality, abuse of power and oppression against people of color. The modern-day policing began evolving into an organized institution in the 1830s when the northern cities attempted to gain larger control over their populations. Initially, the police department often targeted European immigrants but they soon started targeting African Americans who were escaping the brutality of Jim Crow. Rather than giving them refuge in the northern cities, African Americans became victims of punitive and brutal policing. In the Illinois Crime Survey of 1929, 30% of police killings were people of color despite the fact that they accounted for only five percent of that state’s population ( Knopf, 2017) . There were many ones on one conflicts between people of color and the police and most of the confrontation was initiated by the police. Between 1931 and 1932, President Hoover set up a National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement that highlighted the realities of police brutality on people of color but the government did not address the issue.
During the Civil Rights Era especially in the 1960s, most of their leaders supported peaceful protests but the protests were often accompanied by destructive and violent riots. The police often used dispersion tactics such as fire hoses and police dogs against people in peaceful sit-ins and protests. The continued brutality against people of color increased the distrust in police officers even in modern-day America. However, one of the most deadly riots in the era occurred in 1967 when the police beat up John Smith, a black cab driver ( Hill, 2017) . During the four days of unrest, over twenty-six people died while hundreds were injured. The National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders investigated the riots and they identified poverty and segregations as the main cause of the riots.
Despite numerous efforts to control brutality after the Civil Rights Era, the occurrences of police brutality continued until 1991. There was a video footage of Rodney King, a black cab driver, saying how police officers beat him up. The police officers accused of the crime were acquitted despite evidence showing that they had hit King over fifty times with their batons. In the modern day, Facebook posts, live streaming, and tweets have blasted the cases of police brutality against people of color. During the Philando Castile shooting, his fiancée, Diamond Reynolds, streamed the entire incident showing incident but the accused police were still acquitted by the jury ( Fryer Jr., 2018) . Through modern technology, the entire white community is also noticing such incidents and situations. On the other hand, as technology evolves, so has the police enforcement equipment. In most American cities, police departments often have military grade equipment.
Whenever protests occur in some American cities, there are images of police officers with body armor and helmets strolling through the streets. It appears that the police are keen to continue the unequal relationship through an increase in firepower and militarization of police officers in the entire country ( Knopf, 2017) . The solution to police brutality lies not only in controlling the unbalance community-police relationships but also eradicating the social inequalities that contribute to the strained relationships.
Blue Wall of Silence
Police brutality against people of color has continued because of the blue wall of silence. The blue code was triggered in New York and it stated that no police officer should report another's crimes, errors, or misconducts when questioned about the incident regarding another colleague. There is a history of about twenty-seven black officers who were shot and killed by their white counterparts but the reverse has never occurred. The conversation that everyone should be having is how to change the beliefs and attitudes of police officers regarding people of color. There are stereotypes regarding the level of violence according to race. However, changing the negative attitude will be an uphill task as long as the “good” police officers believe that they are doing the right thing by not reporting unjust activities of their counterparts against people of color. In history, there are good officers who have attempted to hold their colleagues accountable. Nevertheless, their actions were met with negative reinforcement. For instance, Frank Serpico, an NYPD officer, revealed a corruption scandal that involved his colleagues. By breaking the blue code, he was left to die by his fellow officers after he was shot ( Fryer Jr., 2018) .
Very many officers are afraid of speaking out against police brutality because they do not want to become the next Frank Serpico. On the other hand, few people have colleagues who they have to worry that a co-worker may leave them to die because they revealed a scandal or corruption case. The reputational damage by the bad police officers is having a toll on the entire police department. Some police officers disclose that some police officers were bullies in high school and the police officers simply chose a profession that would allow them to be bullies in adulthood. Such cases spoil the reputation of police officers because they act as the bad apples that will eventually spoil the barrel. Although most police officers are not an immediate danger to civilians, most police officers do not do a good job of protecting civilians especially people of color from police brutality ( Hill, 2017) . It is time that all the good officers started taking action against the bad apples that have harmed civilians for more than a century. The blue code should be dismantled.
The misconduct by police officers has also been caught by the media especially the NYPD. The blue code led to the Mollen Commission aimed at investigating and examining the extent and nature of corruption in the NYPD. The commission found out that police officers frequently falsified documents such as evidence, arrest reports, and warrants for an illegal search or arrest. Furthermore, they justified their actions by insisting it was an alternative way of ‘getting the job done.' The Mollen Commission insisted the impact of the code of silence was alarming. Police corruption and the code of silence dates back to the mid-nineteenth century where police officers could be used to violently end strikes and protests ( Fridkin, Wintersieck, Courey, & Thompson, 2017) . The police culture has acted as a barrier against solving police brutality and corruption especially against people of color. The police culture includes a set of rules and values that were passed down generations to the modern day police officers.
Police officers are highly likely to cover up the mistakes of their colleagues. The use of excessive force was one of the errors that were mostly shielded by the blue code. Furthermore, most police officers believe that the code also applies to illegal bending of rules and brutality so that they can protect their co-workers from criminal proceedings. The Rampart Scandal and many other police scandals demonstrate that the blue code has been effective to cover various levels of crime. In fact, police officers are either forced to cover up the negative deeds of their colleagues or experience unwelcoming treatment from their colleagues. The whistleblowers are either forced into retirement, harassed or are professionally sanctioned ( Webster, 2017) . The campaigns against the blue code have been ineffective and the government needs to find a way of stopping bad police officers who tarnish the reputation of the police department.
Police brutality against people of color is a preventable cause of death that does not affect all races equally. Every week, there are cases of lives that were ended by police officers such as Jordan Edwards. Worse, police officers always attempt to justify the murders and the judicial system seems to support police brutality. Jordan Edwards was only fifteen and there is no cause that will justify police brutality. Police brutality against black people originates from a topic that most people may be uncomfortable addressing, racism. The murders of unarmed black men exhibit the wide racial issues in the police=-public relationship that have not been addressed in the country. Racism has created inequality in productivity, health, and wellbeing.
Police brutality does not involve people dying during confrontations with police officers; it extends to the use of unjustified force that may cause death. It also includes verbal and emotional intimidation and assault that may dehumanize the victims. Studies indicate that there are health consequences for victims of police brutality. There are also health concerns for people who live or work in disproportionately policed societies regardless of whether they experienced police brutality. There are many cases of unarmed people of color killed by police but the society only pays attention if the video goes viral. The society should protest against police brutality continuously until the problem is solved, otherwise, the police may continue the injustice because they are sure that people will eventually go back to their homes after their physical and online protests ( Fryer Jr., 2018) . The modern society is mainly reactive rather than proactive. Settling civil rights cases, reviewing video evidence, and having grand juries might not prevent the deaths of unarmed people of color at the hands of the police. The country should address the root cause of police brutality.
Confronting the Past and Present
The disproportionate injustices against black people date back beyond the Civil Rights Era. The public evidence of devaluing and public harming of people of color dates back to enslavement. The issue was reinforced in the 19 th century when lynching was legalized. In many ways, the current police brutality is similar to the lynching. The fact that Native Americans, blacks, and Latinos are disproportionately killed by police officers is not a surprise because the police department in the US has its history in their mission of conquering Native Americans and then extended it from stopping enslaved Africans from escaping. It may appear uncomfortable for most people but the police brutality against racial minorities is a white supremacy issue and structural racism ( Fridkin, Wintersieck, Courey, & Thompson, 2017) . Police brutality is one of the ways through which the country can oppress some groups while affording opportunities to other according to race.
There are various ways of eliminating white supremacy, preventing police brutality, and structural racism. The people of color among other people of goodwill should advocate for proper documentation of deaths in the public health departments so that they can monitor the deaths attributed to police brutality. Moreover, there should be a call for partnerships and collaboration among the law enforcement systems, researchers, and policymakers in addressing the issue. The society should also analyze how white supremacy and structural racism occurs in public institutions ( Hill, 2017) . The society can also evaluate how guidelines and policies affect the racial minorities. The society should also support demilitarization of the police and criminal justice reforms. Also, the society should evaluate the issues that have affected the country for decades such as mass incarceration and its impact on the future generations of people of color. Besides, the community should always remember the victims of police brutality because the issue may affect a neighbor but tomorrow it may be your child.
Conclusion
The essay discusses police brutality against people of color, the blue wall of silence, and how to dismantle the institutional injustice. The fact that Native Americans, blacks, and Latinos are disproportionately killed by police officers is not a surprise because the police department in the US has its history in their mission of conquering Native Americans and then extended it from stopping enslaved Africans from escaping. The police culture has been passed down to modern day America where unarmed people of color experience police brutality. Despite countless evidence showing police brutality, police are highly likely to defend their own because of the ‘blue wall of silence.’ It appears that the culture of American policing does not encourage good police officer to speak out or discourage bad police officers from engaging in some of the improper actions ( Fridkin, Wintersieck, Courey, & Thompson, 2017) . The era of the Civil right Movement may have ended but the fight for equality and protests against police brutality still continues in the country.
References
Fridkin, K., Wintersieck, A., Courey, J., & Thompson, J. (2017). Race and police brutality: The importance of media framing: International Journal of Communication , 11 , 21.
Fryer Jr, R. G. (2018). Reconciling Results on Racial Differences in Police Shootings (No. w24238): National Bureau of Economic Research.
Hill, A. (2017). Read Between the Lines: A Content Analysis on News Media Narratives of Police Brutality Against Unarmed Black Males (Doctoral dissertation, California State University, Sacramento).
Holmes, M. D. (2017). Police brutality. In The Cambridge handbook of social problems : Cambridge University Press New York, NY.
Jeffries, D., & Jeffries, R. (2017). Marxist Materialism and Critical Race Theory: A Comparative Analysis of Media and Cultural Influence on the Formation of Stereotypes and Proliferation of Police Brutality against Black Men. Spectrum: A Journal on Black Men , 5 (2), 1-22.
Knopf, T. A. (2017). Rumors, race, and riots . Routledge.
Webster, C. (2017). Deadly injustice: Trayvon Martin, race, and the criminal justice system.
