Thirty years ago, the United States Supreme Court held that police officers' use of police force had to be "objectively reasonable," meaning that an officer's conduct had to be changed on the scene from the point of view of a hypothetical "reasonable official." The rationality of an officer's conduct is objective because of the seriousness of the crime, the suspect's immediate danger, and attempts by the suspect to avoid capture or escape from an officer arresting.
Historical proof of the Black corps' public damage by police goes back, at least, to the slavery era where the Blacks were imprisoned and those who survived the enslavement were rehabilitated by the police. Access to these videos contributed to an ongoing national discussion on brutality, the similarities with White supremacy, and Black citizens' repercussions (McKeown, 2018) . Almost every month, new cases are reported to officials covered by the media and cited in court filings regarding alleged New York City police abuse or misconduct. While many of them will never enter the process of arbitration until they are refused, thousands more may potentially cost taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars (McKeown, 2018) . Too many public officers say that much of the allegations against the New York City Party are unfounded or exaggerated, but no one should make any excuses for the horrendous losses that former NYPD detectives such as Brooklyn's Louis Carmella have caused to so many people. It is inexcusable to help accuse people of crimes that they have unlikely been able to commit – accusing raging criminals – and providing unfortunate facts.
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Osse, (2016) identified that previous policies have been enacted to deal with police misconduct and abuse. Among these policies is democratic policing, where states' structures for protecting citizens' rights, for establishing and preserving order, guaranteeing peace and protection are generally referred to as the security sector. The police have certain powers to conduct these tasks, such as searching and arresting, and using force ( Osse, 2016) . The police are put in a single, sensitive role within a democratic state precisely by this monopoly on the use of violence and on the power to search and arrest, so that appropriate monitoring structures are needed to ensure the consistent use of those powers in the public interest ( Osse, 2016) .
Police misconduct statistic in New York
Figure 1: Source : Crime and Enforcement Activity in New York City (Coban, 2019)
According to figure one above, the victims of killing or of non-negligent killings are typically Black or Hispanic (56.6 percent) (31.2 percent) . Victims of all murders and non-negligent homicidal violence are accounted for by Asian/Pacific Islae (6.9 per cent), while whites are (4.9 per cent) responsible for all murder and non-negligent homicidal victims (Coban, 2019).
Over the last five years, nearly 11,404 allegations and litigation alleging some police brutality have been filed. About half of the allegations contained payments of between around $5,000 and $25,000. However, about $5,000 or less was compensated in 530 settlements (Coban, 2019). Some citizens appeared to be morally incorrect in incidents such as spending brief periods in prisons with charges eventually dismissed. The latter sometimes got less than 500 dollars. The payment for the settlement went to about 5,800 people during this time (Coban, 2019.
Literature Review
According to Schwartz (2020) , AMA policy recognizes the violence between law enforcement officers and the public, physical and verbal is a vital determinant of health, and it promotes research into the public health effects of such violent encounters, especially in Black and Brown communities in those events that are widespread and prevalent. Ehrenfeld & Harris, (2020) state that, those who serve in police forces on larger social and economic arrangements that jeopardize individuals and people contributing to precocious illness and death are aware of the violence perpetrated on them in the headlines of today's news. Police violence marks our American racism legacy — a framework that offers value and structural opportunities while disadvantaging those on their skin and "defying the strength of society as a whole with a lack of human resources," as defined by health equity expert Camara Jones, MD, MPH, Ph.D. Police violence is an impressive representation of American racist history ( Ehrenfeld & Harris, 2020) .
A new reform bill in New York has been passed. Stein (2018) identifies that this reform follows after two weeks of anti-police demonstrations around the country, when many Black Americans have recently died by the police, including George Floyd, who died in Minneapolis after a white policeman knelt in his neck over eight minutes ( Stein, 2018). A decree was passed by the assembly of the State and Senate bodies headed by members of the Democratic majority, allowing police officers to be charged with a Class C crime, penalized with up to 15 years' imprisonment if they injure or kill someone by 'a hockey or similar restriction ( Stein, 2018) . The bill is designated to refer to Eric Garner, an African American who died in a 2014 arrest due to a policy shock. The NYPD was already banned from the chokehold tactic at the time.
According to Alang et al., (2017), the prosecutorial Accountability Act would be the ideal policy for the state of New York. New York State Parliament should enact the PTA and command all the prosecutor's offices to register, report and publish the details on each data point and additional requirement of the prosecutor's office website ( Alang et al., 2017) . The PTA should also publish information on the prosecutor's office website. As public prosecutors are elected public officials, the public has the right to know about prosecutors' activities and decision-making processes ( Schwartz, 2020) . The proper funding for the documentation and reporting of the prosecutorial decision-making process by prosecutors themselves (whether newly formed or currently operationally) should be allocated in compliance with the Transparency Act and the publication of data in a timely and uniform way ( Alang et al., 2017) .
References
Alang, S., McAlpine, D., McCreedy, E., & Hardeman, R. (2017). Police brutality and black health: setting the agenda for public health scholars. American journal of public health , 107 (5), 662-665.
Coban, Marina. "Crime And Enforcement Activity In New York City." https://www1.nyc.gov/assets/nypd/downloads/pdf/analysis_and_planning/year-end-2019-enforcement-report.pdf 2.1 (2019): n. pag. Web.
D’Souza, A., Weitzer, R., & Brunson, R. K. (2019). Federal investigations of police misconduct: a multi-city comparison. Crime, Law and Social Change , 71 (5), 461-482.
Ehrenfeld, J. M., & Harris, P. A. (2020). Police brutality must stop. American Medical Association .
Johnson, S. A. (2018). Police shootings: How statistics can be dangerously misleading when excluding context factors. Forensic Research & Criminology International Journal , 6 (6), 417-421.
McKeown, M. C. (2018). Police Misconduct: Ineffective Policy Department Complaint-Review Procedures and the Proposition of Corrective Federal Oversight. Suffolk UL Rev. , 51 , 309.
New York: Inquiry Confirms Police Misconduct at Protests . Human Rights Watch. (2020). Retrieved 2 February 2021, from https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/12/18/new-york-inquiry-confirms-police-misconduct-protests .
Osse, A. (2016). Handbook on police accountability, oversight, and integrity.
Ray, R. (2020). How can we enhance police accountability in the United States? . Brookings. Retrieved 2 February 2021, from https://www.brookings.edu/policy2020/votervital/how-can-we-enhance-police-accountability-in-the-united-states/.
Schwartz, S. A. (2020). Police brutality and racism in America. Explore (New York, NY) .
Stein, S. (2018). Progress for whom, toward what? Progressive politics and New York City’s mandatory inclusionary housing. Journal of Urban Affairs , 40 (6), 770-781.
