Social Class, Discrimination and Life Satisfaction: A Study of Ethnic Minorities in Europe

Practice and Policy Description

The practice or policy of the study involved reviewing peer articles on social class, discrimination, and life satisfaction about the Turkish-Dutch and Dutch, and immigrant ethnic minorities in Europe like the Moroccan immigrants. Even though the research on the topic is quite inadequate, researchers have established a comparatively inferior life satisfaction amongst ethnic as well as racial groups of the minority. The impact is still determined when applicable demographic and specific features are regulated. For instance, in a current countywide survey across Netherlands, it was determined that the overall life satisfaction of members of minority ethnic group and immigrant was significantly inferior to that of the Dutch ethnic group (Kirmanoğlu, & Başlevent, 2014).

Motivation and Purpose of the Study

My motivation is derived from the usual life in the nation of settlement as a key problem for ethnic minority groups and immigrants. Immigration coupled with varied cultural background raises concerns of socio-cultural and psychological adaptation incorporating, for instance, the acquisition of culturally and socially effective skills as well as practices required to function appropriately in society (Reynolds, & Klik, 2016). It as well raises the concern of acceptance and belonging. The larger society and the majority group can be inclusive and be accepting in its placement towards cultural and ethnic mixture or relatively exclusive and reject. Acculturation study has identified that the supposed alignments of the mainstream group are essential for appreciating the life satisfaction of minorities and their connection to their individual group of ethnicity as well as the greater society. Minority group members feeling discriminated against or unwelcomed are vulnerable to less life satisfaction of their life in the nation they settle (Reynolds, & Klik, 2016). Also, they can form a strong identity with their individual group of ethnicity. The identity of group means a sense of belonging that has the probability to buffer or attenuate the adverse impacts of supposed prejudice regarding satisfaction in life. In addition, both economic and social factors contribute to the life satisfaction of the minority groups in Europe (Gokdemir, & Dumludag, 2012). 

Thus, the purpose of the study is to uncover the outcomes of the impacts of social class, discrimination and life satisfaction on the studies carried out among the ethnic minorities and immigrants in Europe. The study assesses the life satisfaction of the members of the ethnic minorities in relationship to the majority group.

Analytical Framework

In the first study, the analytical framework involved controlling for level of education, income, age, gender, and physical health. Thus, as a result, it was determined that twice as more members of the minority group were not very happy, that is, 11 percent against 24 percent in comparison to the Dutch group of the majority. Therefore, it seems that excluding features like lower education, lower income, and poor health, being a n ethnic minority member and immigrant is enshrined with more features that are lowering the general life satisfaction. However, in the second study, both economic and social factors were evaluated to assess the life satisfaction. As a result, it was determined that Turkish migrants record low levels of life satisfaction. Strong sense of identity as a Dutch was found to be a serious contributor to low satisfaction. 

Overview

This study argues that for the ethnic minority and immigrant groups, contentment with individual’s life in the nation they live is an essential feature of overall satisfaction with life. Therefore, it was anticipated that members of the minority group have the inferior overall satisfaction of life due to their decreased life satisfaction in the nations they settle. In other research, the possible disparity in the satisfaction between Moroccan and Turkish immigrants was investigated. Both absolute and relative income effect, as well as role of religion, was analyzed as a significant purpose for being dissatisfied with the nation they live. Moreover, another research, it was established whether ethnic group identification positively leads to overall satisfaction of life. 

LITERATURE REVIEW 

Realms of Life Satisfaction

The realm-of-life text proposes that overall satisfaction of life can be separated from satisfaction in varied realms of life. The means by which persons feel regarding their life in overall is distinct from the feeling regarding varied life realms. However, a link between overall satisfaction of life and realms of life satisfaction is presumed by the majority of investigators that there are fewer consensuses about the understanding of this relationship. For example, there is the difference between bottom-up against top-bottom models (Yoon, Hacker, Hewitt, Abrams, & Cleary, 2012). The former claims that overall life satisfaction can be comprehended due to the satisfaction of the realms of life, while the latter proposes that overall life satisfaction encourages a deceptive outlook that impacts realm satisfaction. Both models find empirical backing and influential direction appears to differ with the realm studied and the methodologies and datasets applied. 

The majority of researchers otherwise accept the concept that satisfaction of realms of life results in the description of life satisfaction, whether in an additive or other means. Specifically, realms which are essential for a particular group of individuals within a specific setting may be anticipated to be associated with the bottom-up impact on the overall satisfaction of life (de Vroome, & Hooghe, 2014). The difference between realms of life is somehow arbitrary. There have been different proposals of realms portions. What is essential, though, is that life realms separated associate to the manner individuals deliberate regarding their personal lives. With regards to immigrants, day to day life in the nation they settle is a major problem. A case study in Canada, specifically British Columbia (Ghorashi, & Vieten, 2012), research established that satisfaction of realm scores are further essential arithmetical indicators of life satisfaction and happiness than different cultural and ethnic linked phenomena such as modern discrimination (Reynolds and Klik, 2016). Nonetheless, this research did not focus on immigrant groups, neither did it focus on individuals’ life satisfaction in the nation they live nor did it consider supposed prejudice and identification of a group of ethnicity. Thus, in the two analyses, it remained anticipated that members of the minority ethnic group have the inferior overall satisfaction of life than the group majority due to the less satisfaction of their lives in the nation of settlement. The second research aimed at the supposed structural discrimination of ethnicity and identification level with the individual group of ethnic minority.

Definitions

Group Identification and Supposed Discrimination 

Insights and experiences of prejudicial ethnicity may be anticipated to have harmful consequences in the ways members of minority group feel regarding their personal lives. In diverse republics, pragmatic evidence shows the adverse linkage between supposed life satisfaction and ethnic prejudice. Research conducted in 13 states among 7000 immigrants, established that anticipated prejudice was adversely linked to psychological adjustment such as the overall satisfaction of life. Nonetheless, the researchers do not create a difference between overall satisfaction of life satisfaction as well as life satisfaction within the nation they live. It is perspective that anticipated structural prejudice impacts satisfaction of life in the state of living as opposed to overall life satisfaction directly (Verkuyten, & Martinovic, 2012). 

In spite of all, there exist several potential realms are able to contribute to overall life satisfaction, which includes work as well as employment, family life, leisure and religious belief (Just et al. 2014). Therefore, in the other study, it was anticipated that satisfaction of life within the Netherlands facilitates the correlation between anticipated structural prejudice and overall satisfaction of life. For instance, individual of a minority ethnic group may rather have decreased overall life satisfaction due to their dissatisfaction with their life in the state of living, and they are not satisfied with life due to their structural prejudice perceptions of a societal group of ethnic minority (Verkuyten, 2016). The availability of such a facilitating responsibility for life satisfaction in the state of living is likely to assist in the understanding of the ways the pathways, through which structural prejudice impacts overall life satisfaction (Vroome, Verkuyten, & Martinovic, 2014). 

The available study proposes an extra pathway through which structural prejudice can impact overall life satisfaction among groups of an ethnic minority. As per the model of rejection-identification, prejudice introduces a risk to the identity of the group, making persons increasingly turn to their individual group of minority. The model, though associated with certain empirical proof suggests that minority group members adapt with the plight of prejudice by amassing identity with their group. Moreover, identification of group increases negative impacts of anticipated prejudice on psychological health. Identification of group shows a sense of belonging and the sense is occupied in the mental health of members of the minority group (Jasperse et al. 2012). 

Identification of ethnic may be instrumental in life satisfaction due to the people’s attribute of value to their crowd of ethnicity and develop contentment from their sense of inclusion and belongingness (Giamo et al. 2012). Empirically, diverse researchers have established that identity of ethnicity is mentally more important and noticeable to ethnic minority than it is to the many group generations. Therefore, in the other study, ethnic identification was examined. For the participants of an ethnic minority with the application of the model of rejection-identification, it was anticipated that ethnic identification could facilitate the correlation between anticipated structural prejudice and overall life satisfaction (Caselli and Coleman, 2013).

The Country Background

The anticipations were tried in two studies amid the ethnic Dutch and Turkish-Dutch respondents. Numerically, the major group of minority settling in Netherlands is the Turkish-Dutch. Their history is traced back to labor, and the majority is Muslim with their great sense of culture as well as the identity they preserve (Jasperse et al. 2012). Also, at the hierarchical bottom is the Moroccan-Dutch of ethnicity indicating their least acknowledgment in the Netherlands, as well as the acceptance extent, has dropped in latest existences (Gokdemir and Dumludag, 2012). In both researches, the role of passport nationality, age, gender, and duration of residence was put into consideration (Weiner, 2014). 

With the duration of residence, proficiency in language and usage, social and cultural skills, social contacts with many members of the group were likely higher. These could imply that there is the satisfaction of life in the Netherlands. Thus, overall satisfaction is as well advanced among the Turkish-Dutch contributors that settle extensively in the state (Stupar et al. 2014). Within the community of the Turkish-Dutch, persons have dual citizenship or Turkish passports (Begeny and Huo, 2016). All the items are lawfully accepted in the Netherlands (Just et al. 2014). Possessing a Dutch passport whether you have a Turkish one or not may have more influential implies than symbolic ones since it allows an individual to cast their vote on general elections and to travel liberally in European Union (Kirmanoğlu and Başlevent, 2014). Although, an individual’s identity of passport might as well be related to individual’s location in the nation they live. Thus, the factor was incorporated in the research (Lahlah et al. 2013).

METHODOLOGY

This research examined three studies carried out in Netherlands among the minority groups. Two of the studies are retrieved from Maykel Verkuyten (2008), in his research titled “Life Satisfaction among Ethnic Minorities: The Role of Discrimination and Group Identification.” The final study was conducted by Ozge Gokdemir and Devrim Dumludag (2011) in their work titled “Subjective well-being among ethnic minorities: the Dutch case.” The methodology for individual studies were as follows:

Data Collection Method in Study 1

As cited in Verkuyten, (2008), life satisfaction was measured in the questionnaire and analyzed by use of the Diener et al. items. items. They included, ‘ I feel that am fit in the Netherlands’ , ‘ I feel at home in the Netherlands ’ and ‘ I am satisfied in the Netherlands .’ The items were analyzed using the scale of 1 to 7, where 1=strongly disagree and 7=strongly agree. In total, there were 141 participants who had both parents of Turkey background. 132 participants were Dutch ethically. Out of the respondents, 51.2% and 48.8% were women and men respectively. Respondents were from the Utrecht and Rotterdam cities. They age ranged between 17 to 39 years and aggregate age was 22.6 years. There was a matching of two ethnic groups with regards to background on education. There were no age or gender variations between the two. Out of Turkish-Dutch respondents, Turkish nationality was 21.7% while Dutch nationality was 37.9%. About 40% had dual citizenship. The participants of Turkish-Dutch origin were settling in the Netherlands between 6 to 39 years and an average of 20.5 years (Verkuyten, 2008). 

Scale Analysis of Life in the Netherlands

An assessment based on regression was applied to foretell satisfaction of life in the Netherlands. Age, group of ethnicity and gender impacts were entered. Ethnic group and gender were singly coded in a dummy way with males as well as the Dutch as group for comparison. The regression method was substantial, F (3, 269) = 19.54,  p  < .001. This elaborated on 18% of the difference (Verkuyten, 2008). There existed no substantial differences in age and gender, however, there was substantial impact for ethnic group (β = −.42,  t  = 7.52,  p  < .001). Turkish-Dutch participants were substantially dissatisfied with their settlement in the Netherlands as opposed to the Dutch participants ( M  = 4.65,  SD  = 1.49, as well as  M  = 5.79,  SD  = .94, correspondingly). Nonetheless, the Turkish-Dutch score was beyond the neutral scale mid-point, showing satisfaction with their lives while living in the Netherlands (Verkuyten, 2008).

Data Collection Method in Study Two

In this study, as cited in Verkuyten (2008), the overall life satisfaction and satisfaction of life were each examined by three of four questions applied in research one. Identification of the ethnic group was examined by asking contributors to answer the six items derived from the earlier researches in the Netherlands. The items measured the significance oriented to individual’s ethnic background as well as they are similar items to those of Crocker and Luhtanen membership and identity subscales. Items were rated on a scale of 1 to 5 where 1=strongly disagree and 5=strongly agree . The 6-item scale was consistent internally with the alpha of Cronbach to 0.78 for the Dutch respondents and 0.82 for the Turkish-Dutch respondents (Verkuyten, 2008). 

In the measurement of the anticipated structural prejudice by participants of Turkish-Dutch, five questions derived from Phalet et al. 2000 were applied. The questions examine the extent of structural prejudice of Turkish-Dutch persons. The respondents were questioned if they accepted with prejudicial proclamations regarding Turkish-Dutch persons by the government, the police, the labor as well as the housing market. Respondents were questioned to show there a degree of applying a 5-point scale ranging system where 1= ‘No, certainly not true’ to 5=‘ Yes, certainly true .’ The Cronbach’s alpha for the Turkish-Dutch respondents was 0.74 (Verkuyten, 2008).

Scale Analysis of Life in the Netherlands

Overall life satisfaction was similar to that of study one. Maximum probability approximation with oblique rotation resulted in a structure of two-factor for the majority of Dutch group. The first factor was responsible for the explanation for 47.4% of the difference and the following feature elaborated 20.2%. The items were meant to provide measurements for life satisfaction among people living in Netherlands was high on one feature by (>0.80), and the greatest score was recorded on the alternative feature by 0.28. Regarding the second feature, the three overall items of life satisfaction had a big score of (>0.70 and <0.26) (Verkuyten, 2008).

With respect to the minority group of Turkish-Dutch, two features were as well established, and they were responsible for both 53% and 23% of the difference, concurrently. The triple items regarding life satisfaction within the Netherlands recorded high on initial feature (>0.87) and had scored <0.19 on the second feature. The three alternative items scored on the second feature (>0.80, and <0.29 on the alternative factor). Thus, for the 6-items, the feature assessment justified that separation can be achieved between satisfaction with respect to life in the Netherlands as well as overall life satisfaction which was established in both groups. Phi score was 0.95. Life satisfaction with regards to in the Netherlands, the alpha score of Chronbach was 0.82 for many groups and for ethnic minorities, it was found to be 0.89. Overall life satisfaction, the alpha score was 0.68 for the previous cluster and 0.76 for the current group (Verkuyten, 2008). Comparable to study one, the two scales were significant statistically as well as positively correlated; however, the quantity of shared difference was restricted (r = .39, p < .001 ). 

To assess the average mean score for the identity of ethnicity, there was the application of study of difference with ethnic group, age and gender. There were no gender and age variances, though the Turkish-Dutch respondents (M = 3.96, SD = .67) recorded greater identification of ethnicity than the Dutch (M = 3.36, SD = .51), F (1, 208) = 39.28, p < .001) . The average tally for structural prejudice as viewed by the Turkish-Dutch respondents was 2.88 (SD = .72). Therefore, on a scale of 1 to 5, the Turkish-Dutch showed average degrees of structural prejudice (Verkuyten, 2008). 

Data Collection Method in Study Three

The third study was conducted by Gokdemir & Dumludag (2011) and it involved the use of surveys to gather data on both economic and non-economic factors for life satisfaction. The study was carried out in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht, Den and Arnhem cities. Of these people 111Turkish and 96 Moroccan were sampled to respond to the survey. In the Turkish respondents, 46 females and 65 males participated while in Moroccans 55 females and 41 males participated. An ordinal scale was provided for repondents to check their score on life satisfaction stretching from 1 (completely disatisfied) to 10 (totally satisfied) (Gokdemir & Dumludag, 2011). 

Scale Analysis of Life in the Netherlands

According to the assessment, the mean outcomes for life satisfaction score for Moroccans migrants was 7.7. However, Turkish immigrants scored 6.8 on the 1-10 ordinal scale. For the Turkish group, their levels of happiness was μ = 3.05 while for the Moroccan immigrants was μ = 3.12. In addition, the findings revealed more happiness in the female groups than the males. The result for life satisfaction was μ = 6.54 for females and μ = 2.98 females for the Turkish and μ = 6.65 and μ = 2.95 happiness for Moroccans. For females the result for life satisfaction was μ = 6.29 and happiness was μ = 3.09 for Turkish. However for males was μ = 7.65 and μ = 3.24 for both satisfaction and happiness respectively (Gokdemir, & Dumludag, 2011). 

THEORETICAL MODEL/CONCEPT AND ITS APPLICATION IN PRACTICE

Life satisfaction is a widely shared goal of humanity (Sirgy, 2012). To be satisfied with life implies that an individual has favorable attitudes towards their life. Satisfaction can similarly be referred to as the perception of being happy with one’s life (Proyer, Ruch, & Buschor, 2013). Consequently, the individual is happy to be on the right track. Satisfaction measures an evaluation of a person’s feelings about their life. 

Theoretical models of satisfaction include the top down and bottom up models. The bottom-up model of life satisfaction posits that life satisfaction is the evaluation of an individual’s life in general (Skimmack 2002). For instance, one would be satisfied with their life because they have a good social relation. Practically, the discrimination meted out at the ethnic minorities residing in the Netherlands, in this case, the Moroccan and Turkish-Dutch in the Netherlands are a good reason to cause lower life satisfaction. For instance, as per the results, Men were further less satisfied compared to Women minorities. The non-economic satisfaction factors like discriminatory treatment or prejudice lower the satisfaction of the minority ethnic immigrants in the Netherlands, Europe. 

On the other end, there is the top-down theory of satisfaction which argues that life satisfaction comes as a result of personality influence (Skimmack 2002). For instance, an individual would not be satisfied with his job, career, or income. The minority ethnic immigrants in the Netherlands have shown low satisfaction for both economic and non-economic factors. As a citizen, there are full expectations that individuals have in a country. Although the Moroccan and Turkish have their roots outside the Netherlands, they have become citizens of that country and have the full expectations of an ordinary citizen. The expectations include social welfare, social security equity, civil rights, social rights, political rights among other liberties that a citizen of Netherlands deserves. These are both economic and non-economic factors and greatly affect life satisfaction among the minorities. When the Moroccans and Turk-Dutch immigrants are treated with discrimination, they are denied equal opportunity which further denies them economic prosperity. The ethnic prejudice that leads to social exclusion and unjust treatment of minorities, ethnic conflict, and social stratification lowers life satisfaction among the minority groups. 

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Based on the analysis of the three research studies, it is evident that the minority groups in Europe, and particular Netherlands have a low satisfaction. Life satisfaction is strongly linked with discrimination. The high rate of perceived and real discrimination among the Moroccans and Turkish-Dutch is among the contributors for their low life satisfaction. In the case of absolute income, the study did not show a significant link with satisfaction; however, the Moroccans who had a stronger identity as Dutch compared to Turkish were more satisfied. This implies that identity has an affirmative influence on life satisfaction. As such the lower life satisfaction among the minority groups results from less feeling of belonging to the Netherlands which is fueled by social injustice, prejudice, discrimination among other forms of exclusion. 

Suggestions for further research includes but not limited to doing away with the bottom-up model since there is a possibility that overall life satisfaction impacts the way individuals feel towards their living in the foreign nation. Second, the research aimed at a sole realm of life as well as a specific minority group. Thus, it is uncertain what roles of other realms of life and whether the outcomes generalize to other settings and groups. Therefore, future research should aim at other realms of life that could be sources and threats to overall life satisfaction of groups of ethnic minority and immigrant.

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