In any given society, it is the role of the people to come up with the best management strategies that will reflect their civilized status and a constant development that can be envied universally. It is for that reason that every specific community comes up with a form of authority that is entrusted with determining the course of action that will help the society achieve a unanimous goal. In this light, there is the need for such an authority to be composed of well informed individuals that scrutinized the needs of the people not only in the present but also forge avenues that will conform to the future. Sometimes such an authority will be challenged by individuals or groups in its society form where food for thought may arise. This essay aims at undertaking an overview of the challenges and ideologies put forward by Antonia Gramsci, an Italian thinker, in retaliation to the system of governance in the authority of his days. His work, embedded in the collection of essays, seeks to challenge various sectors with intention to idealize a better present and a realistic rod towards the future. Prison Notebooks is a collection of serial essays compiled by Antonia Gramsci, an Italian neo-Marxist following his imprisonment by the then regime that was founded on Fascist ideologies in 1926. The author embarked on his job from 1929 t0 1935 after he was released because of ill health. His incarceration is, therefore, the inspiration behind his large collective volume and dwells on the various socio-cultural ideas that contributed to the modern political theory. Among the ideals to his credit include the role of intellectuals in the society, education and The Modern Prince. This essay will dwell on summarizing these ideals and also undertake an analysis of the same.
On Intellectuals
On intellectuals, Gramsci was of the idea that the society was at fault for holding the intellectuals as a distinct social stratus that is independent of class. He observed that every individual had the potential of passing as an intellectual by noting that each possesses and uses an intellect. But when social function is brought in focus, he argued that not everybody would pass as an intellectual. Gramsci further intimated that there are two categories that intellectuals may fall into depending on their functionality. The traditional professional intellectuals, to begin with, tend to cover the attachment to class formations that are historical in nature. These intellectuals are found in the literary and scientific fields and their place in the interstices of the social setting contain notable inter-class aura. The “organic” intellectuals, on the other hand, are seen as the mental and strategic element of a specific basic social class. They can be picked out in the society based on their role in shaping the philosophies and inspirations of the class to which they belong Olsen (2007). It is evident that these intellectuals are not merely defined by their professions as per the job characteristics of the class they belong to.
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It is a fact, then, that Gramsci was more concerned with unearthing the role of intellectuals in a social setup. By agreeing that every individual was an intellectual in his own right and demarcating these intellectuals into various categories, he goes ahead to showcase how the intellectual determine the social setting in any given community. He further dwelt in the implications of the intellectuals in the political struggle in the analysis of social democracy. His overview of the Socialist movement highlights the relationship between the workers and intellectuals whereby the intellectuals are seen as the providers of the theories and ideologies that the non-intellectuals, such as the workers, rely on. Graamsci was stressing on the importance of considering what the political struggle implied about the relationship between the intellectuals and workers. The idea that advocated for division of labor was strongly opposed by Lenin who was of the view that there was the need to eliminate the deliberate distinction between the workers and intellectuals. In support if Leninist views, Gramsci argued that the working class, just as the bourgeois, was in a position to develop its organic intellectuals within its confines. The political party, thus, was responsible for determining the activities of the organic intellectuals and bridging class with selected sections of intelligentsia.
In his classification of intellectuals, Gramsci informs that there are the urban and rural-type intellectuals. The distribution of the human society is in such a way that there are individuals who grow in while others are in the rural setting. This dictates that the individual develop reaping certain values from their mother environment (Chikere & Nwoka, 2015). In this light, Gramsci was quick to observe that the urban type intellectuals are advantage in that they grow up close to the industries and thus are in touch with its fortunes. This means that they are expected to form the general staff of the industrial environment as the prototypes of the top urban intellectuals.
The rural-type intellectual on the other hand will comprise of the learned that will be entrusted with the provision of general services that attend to the needs of countryside populace. The clergy, teachers and medical practitioners are among these intellectuals that will not only be confined to the urban setting. It is notable that these intellectuals lead better lives that the general peasant populace and are thus the role models of the urban peasant who yearns to develop into a better placed member of the society. It is also the desire of the old that their young will develop into revered intellectuals that the society can look up to in the pursuit of a better life. This ideal is developed by the realization that the intellectuals being modeled will lend a hand in raising the social level of their kin by enhancing their life economically (Parachiv et al, 2012). This will be achieved as the modeled intellectual joins the group of other intellectuals to develop fruitful connections.
On Education
Gramsci dedicates the second chapter of his notebook collection to dwell on the issues that concern education. He makes the observation that Benito Mussolini was at the center stage of the adoption of the Piedmontese system of education in line with the Casati Act of 1859. A century later, the contemporary world is still making attempts to delve in his ideals on education and its relationship with class and the general ideology of education. Among the reason for the perpetuation of his futuristic idea, even in the time of political censorship is the way he eulogizes the old curriculum in a way that has been judged as “conservative.” He posed the mental picture of the ideal future in order to criticize the situation in his days.
It was Gramsci’s belief that discipline and work were valuable tools in education. This idea is expressed in his involvement that dwells on personal history. Whereas he grew up in an education that was traditionally Rousseauesque his criticism of the system was not hampered by a hostile approach. His academic success, on the other hand, was of intellectual purpose considering that he did not grow in a conducive environment to enhance the pursuit. Born a peasant and growing in an environment that was characterized by overwork, poor health and inadequate nourishment, he was determined to beat all odds and enter the category of intellectuals. It should be noted that he neither received adequate education nor was he always in school since various circumstances often dictated that he be away. Yet, as a student he was enthusiastic with education because he believed that it is only by being well learned that one could face the world that was shaped by folklore and magic.
There is a complex relationship between the view of the sociological strata and the author’s life story. This is due to the observation that his concern dwells on hoe the intellectuals develop from the working class. The course of his life is an explanation of how an intellectual can be bred over time through such process. He is quick to inform that his pursuit was a struggle against the old school was justified although bringing in the reforms required was not an easy task. The root of the problem, in his words, was not in how the various curricula were modeled but on the misconceptions of the overall social complex.
Gramsci can therefore be seen as a revolutionary in the education sector when the structure of his critical analysis is revealed. His views are in constant reference to the future and more so, he dwells on the development of the working class into intellectuals. His approach was of great importance in his rising above his social setting and the task at hand in order to hypothesize a party made up of the working class for the revolutionary purposes (Olsen, 2007). This is where the organic intellectuals come in to ensure a balance and advancement in the social setting.
In his overview of the organization of education and of culture, Gramsci observes that the crisis in the curriculum and organization of the academic institutions is as a result of the conceptions of the culture in a society in the view and understanding of the general organic crisis. The creation of specialized schools to mould individuals to fit specific professions stray from the requirement of an interwoven set of disciplines that produce well rounded intellectuals that are of more use to the contemporary world.
There is also a note by Gramsci that there is a problem in the education sector that effects how the common school is organized in its practice and the study system. The role of the school is to develop individuals who will emerge in the intellectual capacity of productive and creative individuals. These young men and women, after achieving a certain level of maturity, will be injected into the society so that they may serve in upgrading such a society to better standards. When age is put into consideration, there is a demand for an immediate productive contribution. In this light, the undertaking of forging the generations that will shape the future society are no longer a private affair but a public function. While this approach may rid the society of division based on group or caste, there is a need for the unprecedented architecture that will make the school setup practical. The erection of all the necessary buildings and the introduction of the specific materials and staff are just but a mention of the necessities that the school will require. The teaching staff, especially, has to be constantly adjusted to maintain a practical ratio between teachers and students. This is not an easy task considering that the institution will have to bring in tailor made individuals. When such requirements are considered, the end product is institutions that the rise of institutions that can only be accessed by a selected few through stiff competition or recommendations (Parachiv et al, 2012).
The Modern Prince
This chapter commences with a discussion of the term “Jacobinism” which implies a force that binds the peasants and the proletariat, coupled with the rejection of all forms of economism. A Jacobin force has always missed in Italy and it remains unclear whether the proletariat in towns have the capacity to engage in production without the support of the peasants. The Modern Prince is utilized as a concept representing the political party that will successfully inculcate “Jacobinism” as a way of attracting peasant farmers into the political realm. This would imply an interconnection between the political party, the social classes, and the state. The implication is that these three elements must work together to co-exist and yield the best outcome for both the rulers and the ruled. In essence, it emerges that there is interdependence with the three elements in trying to address the problems and challenges of the society.
The notion of separateness between the rulers and the ruled is tackled as one requiring the followership of various principles. Gramsci presents the view that leaders will at times take things for granted with the belief that obedience should be automatic. This is a baseless belief as the led also have their expectations just like the leaders do. Neglect has been a key attribute of leaders with the expectation that the led will continue making sacrifices at their expense. Gramsci’s explanation of the relationship between the leaders and the led can best be described using the expectancy theory. The latter stipulates that when the expectations of the followers are well established and addressed, then leaders can expect commitment in the attainment of predetermined goals for the success and sustainability of their firms (Parijat & Bagga, 2014). This aligns with Gramsci’s argument that a leader cannot gamble with the lives of his or her followers and then anticipate selfless sacrifice from them.
The Modern Prince negates the principle of individualism and supports the idea of a party as the new prince and the founder of a nation. Gramsci sheds light on how the political parties allied to the Crown or President take over the governorship. The President or the Crown reigns and the political party addresses the needs of the social group represented, which is in most cases a single social group. This culminates into totalitarian governance. There is, however, the anarchist movement which depicts a distinct attribute by targeting educative, moral, or cultural endeavors. To Gramsci, anarchy presents itself as a governance system that does not exist independently but claims the role of educating other parties as a means of reinforcing its very existence. The implication is that co-existence is critical to the accomplishment of various goals that determine the degree of success attained in various endeavors. This argument aligns with the systems theory of management which stipulates interdependence between the various constituents of a firm for the successful attainment of the goals set and the accomplishment of the specified mission (Chikere & Nwoka, 2015). The system, in this case, is seen as a collection of various parts that must work together for a common course existing within the environment. Similarly, the undertakings of a political party entail a series of challenges that must be addressed. Its existence, however, is founded on the history of various personalities comprising of intellectual groups or even a single person.
In connection to the leaders’ neglect of the needs of the led, coupled with the selfish intention of gaining from the sacrifices of the led, Gramsci also delves into economism and its role in reinforcing self interest. The latter drives people to embracing any changes that align with a specific element of production. The discovery of fuel, for instance, may create the need to redesign machine or apply new methods of production to attain optimal results. The same applies to a nation state that makes new discoveries. These discoveries act to boost the economy of such a nation by altering its position in the global ranking. Applying this to management, a firm that utilizes new inventions in its daily endeavors reaps the benefits of sustainability in the long run (Parachiv, et al., 2012). In this light, innovation becomes an important aspect of today’s firms seeking economic stability and long term sustainability in the global realm. Through the adoption of new technologies as they emerge, every firm seeks to be at the top of others insofar as competition in the global market is concerned. This self interest, as depicted by Gramsci (1999), remains the golden rule for driving the world forward. From a Marxist perspective, it is the economic necessity rather than the emotions that drives the endeavors of the masses.
The notions of structure, objective, and human autonomy come into play in alignment with the social forces that act with a specific system. Varied degrees of development in materialism yield different social classes which are distinct in position and function within the production realm. This becomes the reality with which to measure the occurrences within a given society. This is implemented in various contexts, such as organizations, where no one can alter the number of people in the workforce and the positions they occupy. This reality becomes an important aspect in considering whether the society is ready for change. Additionally, it is equally important to consider the level of homogeneity, self-awareness, and the organization of the social classes to know the level of collective political consciousness so far attained within a specific social group. It emerges that people of the same social class will depict high levels of homogeneity and unity. However, uniting the bourgeois and the peasant farmers becomes something that one can only dream about. This aligns with the hierarchical structures and bureaucracy adopted in most, if not all, global organizations (Olsen, 2007). The subordinate employees must abide by the rules set by those at the top of the hierarchy for the firm to be successful. It is in rare cases that the top management will freely interact with those at the bottom, particularly due to the inclination that power ought to be exercised in a way that one can notice the difference between the leaders and the led. This is what yields the economic-corporate level which sees the subordinates stand by the side of other subordinate members while those at the top of the hierarchy align their interactional contexts to fit the desires of others in their level. Every kind of relation is solely in terms of economic endeavors (Gramsci, 1999). The implication is that it would be tough to bring together the peasant farmers and integrate them into the class of the bourgeois as per the prerequisites of “Jacobinism.”
The notion of bureaucracy is highly associated with the increment of intellectuals which has led to the need for the development of distinct functionaries. This makes it difficult to attain centrality in various endeavors, including in the day to day commitments of an organization. In this sense, there are always challenges in trying to unite the intellectuals with other members of the society (Gramsci, 1999). The same applies in the management of firms. It is in rare occasions that the CEO of a firm addresses the subordinates but instead he or she meets with the managerial staff and gives them the message to pass to other employees (Hill & Lineback, 2011).
References
Chikere, C. C. & Nwoka, J. (2015). The systems theory of management in modern day organizations- A study of Aldgate Congress Resort Limited Port Harcourt. International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, 5 (9), 1-7.
Gramsci, A. (1999). Selections from the prison notebooks. London: The Electric Book Company Ltd.
Hill, L. A., & Lineback, K. (2011,January 18). Be the boss, not a friend. Fortune. Retrieved from http://fortune.com/2011/01/18/be-the-boss-not-a-friend/
Olsen,J. P. (2007). The ups and downs of bureaucratic organization. Working Paper. Retrieved from http://www.sv.uio.no/arena/english/research/publications/arena-working-papers/2001-2010/2007/wp07_14.pdf
Parachiv, D. M., Nemoianu, E. L., Langa, C. A. & Szabó, T. (2012). Eco-innovation, responsible leadership and organizational change for corporate sustainability. Amfiteatru Economic, 14 (32), 404-419. Doi : 10.1.1.662.9063
Parijat, P. & Bagga, S. (2014). Victor Vroom’s expectancy theory of motivation- An evaluation. International Research Journal of Business and Management, 7 (9), 1-8.
