Women’s Political Participation: Rwanda, Iran and Sweden

Abstract

Women’s low rate of political participation is a perennial problem in the society for both developed and developing nations alike. Women’s participation in politics is crucial, women have different views and ideologies necessary for democratic institutions. Women participation in politics also plays an important role in the empowerment of women in the society. This paper is a comparative study of women’s participation in politics in three nations: Iran, Rwanda and Sweden. It will explore the effects of women’s participation in politics, particularly the effect of women empowerment. Lastly, factors that promote and hinder women’s participation in politics will be discussed.

Key words: women, political participation, empowerment, Iran, Rwanda, Sweden

Political participation is a prerequisite for political development. Every election year, new representatives with new ideas on how to improve the society come into picture. Therefore, improving women’s political participation may enhance the political development and the quality of women’s lives (Shojaei et al., 2010). There is a strong link between the participation of women in politics and social development, particularly in issues concerning the welfare of women such employment, earnings and health. 

Women’s political participation is a consequence of the women’s suffrage. Women gained the right to vote and run for public office as early as the 19th century, but it took them time. The Finnish national assembly became the first national assembly with a woman parliamentarian in 1907 (Ocran, 2014). Finland was still under the Grand Duchy of the Russian empire, and it was still a small agrarian country, but it inspired other nations to encourage women’s participation in the politics. The beginning of the 20th century saw the rise of women’s advocacy groups that fought for equal rights and freedom, and increased female participation in the public life. Soon enough, the first woman parliamentarian was elected in Finland, and many other nations followed suit. 

According to Waring (2010) women’s participation in politics has been on a steady slow rise in most nations. In 2008, women took 20.6% of the 12,879 seats that were up for renewal in 54 countries, this was the highest record (Waring, 2010). A big percentage of the women in politics were directly elected, while others were indirectly elected through party nominations and appointments. Regardless, the need for increased women’s participation is seen in the different measures implemented by various nations to foster women’s participation. For instance, African nations have set a 30% benchmark as the “critical mass” for women parliamentarians. Most African nations are working towards achieving the benchmark, while 24 African nations have surpassed the benchmark, including Rwanda. Alternatively, most middle Eastern nations, including Iran, have set a 25% benchmark for women in parliament. 

Women in Politics in Rwanda

Rwanda has been in the limelight for positive reasons these days, particularly regarding the status of women in parliament. Rwanda is now seen as a beacon of hope for gender equality in Africa (Hogg, 2009). According to World Bank statistics, Rwanda has the highest number of women parliamentarians in Africa. Rwanda has 64 women in parliament (World Bank, 2016). Women in Rwanda are now seen as the most politically represented not only in Africa, but across the globe. 

Since independence, Rwanda embraced the idea of women in politics. Women were granted the rights to vote and run for political office as early as 1961 after it gained independence from Belgium (Powley, 2007). The first female parliamentarian was elected in 1965, however, women never held more than 18% of seats in parliament before the genocide. During the first 9 years after the genocide, women representation in politics rose to 25.7% in the unicameral parliament, but the rise was contributed by increased appointment of women politicians (Powley, 2007) after the passing of a gender sensitive constitution. However, the first post-genocide election in 2003 ushered in a new era for women in politics in Rwanda, women ran for political positions in dramatic numbers to show that they did not need to be appointed to win parliamentary seats. 

The upper house of Rwanda’s new bicameral legislature, the Senate, is made up of 26 elected members for eight year terms (Powley, 2007). The constitution reserves 30% of those seats for women. The lower house, the Chamber of Deputies, is made up of 80 members serving five-year terms.

The horrific genocide in 1994 left Rwandan society on the brink of collapse (Hogg, 2009). After the genocide, Rwanda realized that it needed to change its approach to leadership. Rwanda encouraged women to participate in politics as part of rehabilitating the nation. The main political party in Rwanda, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) has been advocating for greater participation of women in politics by changing policies. Influential people in Rwanda such as Rwandan Lieutenant Rose Kabuye wrote articles about how the country would be different if more women were leaders because women are more cooperative and less conflict-prone (Hogg, 2009). Powley (2007) notes that Rwandan women in politics have the capability to change the society. Immediately after the genocide, 70% of the population in Rwanda were women. Women assumed roles of rebuilding the society, they became the heads of households, community organizations. 

Another popular political party in Rwanda is GNU, and just like the other party it came up with policies to enhance the participation of women in politics. Rwanda established a Ministry of Gender and it came up with electoral gender quotas in its constitution. For instance, the article 76 of the new Rwandan Constitution states that the Chamber of Deputies of eighty members must have 24 members of the female gender. The changes led to an unprecedented number of women running for political office, consequently 56% of the seats in the lower house of parliament were occupied by women (Hogg, 2009). However, the constitutional gender quotas raise the question of whether women can succeed in politics without these quotas. 

Women in Politics in Iran

According to Shojaei et al. (2010) Iran maintained a monarchic type of government for a long time. The last monarchy was the Qajar Dynasty. During the monarchic era, people hardly played any role in electing leaders or in determining policy. Women were hardly involved in the political activities of the country as their lives mainly revolved around domestic activities. The Qajar Dynasty was a traditional society, such that it lacked a provision for education of women apart from religious education. 

The Qajar Dynasty was not just oppressive to women, but the monarchy had complete political authority. The authoritarian dynasty inspired the growth of social and political movements, and women played an important role in such movements. Shojaei et al. (2010) notes that the tobacco protest of 1890 showed the potential of Iranian women to participate in political events. The Tobacco Protest was a cleric led movement to oppose a tobacco concession by the Shah to the Great Britain. For the first time in Iran, women who never disobeyed men or took an active role in politics resisted power. 

According to Moinifar (2011) the changes in the role of women in politics in Iran became more prominent during the Pahlavi regimes (1925-1979). Women were integrated to the political and socioeconomic spheres of the society based on the western values. Reza Shan Pahlavi, the leader of the regime was considered a modern authoritarian. For instance, in 1936 he abolished the veil and allowed women to walk around in the public without the veil or other traditional Islamic attire. 

The 1979 ushered a new political era in Iran, the country’s political system was changed from a monarchy to an Islamic Republican (Shojaei et al., 2010). Women had played an important role in brining in the change, they marched in protests with men and some of them were arrested for protesting against the monarchy. Consequently, the victory of the political revolution marked the beginning of the involvement of women in politics in Iran. It is worth noting that before the 1979 revolution, a woman was appointed the Minister of Education in 1965. Another woman minister was appointed in 1976 (Shojaei et al., 2010). 

After the revolution, women vied for political positions in Iran just like men, though very few women vied. In the first election after the revolution, there were only three female deputies out of the two hundred and sixty-eight in parliament (Moinifar, 2011). Women only occupied 1.5% of the parliamentary seats in the first three parliaments after the revolution. However, the number of women in parliament has doubled over the years. By 1992, there were 9 elected women parliamentarians, there were 13 in 1996 and the number remained stagnant in 2000 (Moinifar, 2011). 14 women parliamentarians were elected in 2004, though the number reduced to 8 in 2008 (Moinifar, 2011).

The number of women in Iran’s parliament is quite small in that Iran’s parliament has many seats. Even traditional Muslim nations have embraced more women in politics. The low number of women in politics could be because the society is yet to fully accept women in leadership positions. For instance, a total of 100 women vied for the first ballot, however, they could not reach the second ballot. Many women are putting themselves out there, but the society is yet to give them the chance. Iran has passed policies in relation to women’s issues, but it is yet to pass policies to improve the parliamentary quota for women (Mainifar, 2011). While women played an important role in the political revolution in Iran, their efforts are yet to be fully appreciated, and this could explain why the status of women is still poor in Iran. Women parliamentarians are occupying less that 5% of the parliament in Iran, and sometimes this is seen as tokenistic rather than progression. 

Women in Politics in Sweden

Women parliamentarians have played an important role in Swedish politics in comparison to women in politics in Rwanda and Iran. According to Freidenwall (2003) Sweden like most Nordic countries has been very progressive regarding gender equality and women’s rights. 

Women’s involvement in politics in Sweden can be traced back to the 19th century, though women started running for political seats in the 20th century. Women started voting in Sweden as early as 1862, but under special circumstances. For women to vote back then, they had to be of a certain age with a lot of income and property to be considered as equal with men (Freidenwall, 2003). The reforms in the beginning of the 20th century finally gave women the freedom to vote. The universal suffrage movement gave Swedish women the right to vote in 1918 on a local level, however, women gained the right to run for parliamentary seats in the 1920s (Freidenwall, 2003). 

The parliament’s female portion is currently at 40%, on certain election years the female portion was much higher, for instance, in 1998, 43% of elected member of parliament were women (Freidenwall, 2003). The number of women in politics has not always been high since women had the right to run for political seats. Freidenwall (2003) notes that in 1971, half a century after women’s suffrage was won in Sweden, only 14% of the Swedish parliament was made up of women parliamentarians. The number of women in politics began increasing in 1970s, and by 1988 women representatives made up 38% of the Swedish parliament. 

The quotas were introduced in Sweden to improve the percentage of women in parliament, but the quotas are primarily implemented by the political parties. The Green Party was the first to introduce quotas in 1981 upon its formation. All the other parties adopted the quota provision for women, such that all party committees must have a minimum of 40% of members from either sex (Freidenwall, 2003). The party quota was finally adopted for the national election, such that the 1987 general election had a provision that a minimum of 40% of either sex for candidates. In 1997, the quota provision was extended, such that the same proportions of women and men on party lists were required at constituency level. 

It is worth noting that the quota provision in Sweden is more developed than the one in Rwanda as it is implemented on the political party level. Regardless, the quota system has improved the number of women in parliament for both nations. 

Effects of Political Participation and Women Empowerment in Rwanda, Iran and Sweden 

Rwanda

The political participation of women in the three nations has affected the state of women in these countries differently. Political participation of women gives women representatives a chance to come up with policies and programs to empower women. Janghorban et al. (2014) defines empowerment as an active and multidimensional process that enables people to realize their full identity and powers in all spheres of life. There are five issues relating to women empowerment: self value and self respect, right to make decisions and have choices, access to opportunities, right to power to control their lives and ability to influence trends in social change (Janghorban et al., 2014). Nations that have women leaders put in place more programs to empower women in the society. 

According to Hogg (2009) the reason for increasing the quota provision for women in Rwanda’s parliament was probably motivated by the need to have representatives who are less self-interested and less prone to factionalisation. Despite this reason, women representatives have played an important role in empowering women in Rwanda. The inclusion of women in Rwanda’s transitional government gave women a platform to advocate for various issues affecting women in the post-genocide society. The new women representatives worked towards building capacity in women through meetings and trainings on gender sensitivity, empowering women on their legal rights and educating women on the need to be involved in rebuilding the society. Burnet (2008) states that women came up with organizations such as Pro-Femmes and Avega-Agahoza with the support of women in politics to help families rebuild after the genocide. The newly formed Ministry of Gender became the leading advocacy group for women, and it came up with various initiatives in partnership with local and international players to empower Rwandese women. 

The women parliamentarians in Rwanda have worked hard to pass policies, laws and programs to foster gender equality. For instance, the “inheritance” law was passed in 1999 to enable to legally inherit property (Burnet, 2008). Apart from inheriting property, women could now form businesses, own property and seek employment without the consent of their husbands or fathers unlike in the past. 

To appreciate the role of women in politics in rebuilding the society, it is necessary to analyze key indicators of development such as earnings, education and mortality rate. According to the UN (2016) Rwanda has a population of 11,883,000. This a small population in comparison to most countries in central Africa, no wonder Rwanda had no problem rebuilding itself after the genocide. The gross domestic product (GDP) was worth $8.10 billion in 2015 (UN, 2016). The unemployment rate in Rwanda is at 2.7% in 2014, this shows that most Rwandese have incomes. 

Between 2010- 2015, Rwanda had a life expectancy of 66.3 for women and 59.7 for men (UN, 2016). In 2014, the infant mortality rate was at 49 per 1,000 live births. The improved literacy rate, especially among women shows that women in leadership have played an important role in inspiring women. In 2014, the literacy rate for women was at 78%, while men had a literacy rate of 76.7% (UN, 2016). 

Burnet (2008) notes that before the genocide, Rwanda was a typical African patriarchy. Women could not engage in commercial activities or seek paid employment without the authorization of their husbands or fathers. However, in today’s society, Rwandese women are running successful businesses, they own property and they have equal rights as men. Though, Rwanda is yet to achieve 100% literacy rate or attain a zero mortality rate for children, women in politics gave Rwandan women an opportunity to challenge customary traditions. Women are now more educated and empowered, such that they do not have to rely on men. The role of women in Rwanda has changed drastically, and they now occupy important positions in the society (Burnet, 2008). 

Iran

Janghorban et al. (2014) explores the effects of women’s political participation in Iran with regards to women empowerment. Being a traditional Muslim society, women in Iran face a lot of challenges. Political participation of women gave women an opportunity to fight for the important issues affecting women. Though there are a few women in the Iranian parliament, women are now taking part in decision making processes at the highest level. In the past, women were not allowed to make decisions, instead they relied on men to make decisions for them. Shojaei (2010) notes that the engagement of women in the Iranian political revolution of 1979 marked a new era for women empowerment in Iran. The women took the streets with men to oppose the monarchy. For the first time ever in Iran, women were arrested for resisting authority and exercising their freedom of speech. The empowerment of Iranian women gave them the knowledge to make informed decisions, for instance, 76% of Iranian women voted for Mohammad Khatami after he offered a special plan to improve the lives of women (Shojaei, 2010). 

According to Shojaei (2010) women in Iran are now educated and they have their careers because they are empowered by the strong women challenging the status quo and vying for political positions. Women in politics are fighting for equal rights for women, and they have made notable progress. For instance, the constitution now acknowledges the social and political rights of women. Women in politics and other women are working towards chasing the strict Sharia law step by step so that women can have more opportunities. Women in politics have been working to improve the legal system that often discriminates women in the cases of divorce, child custody and division of wealth. The women in parliament have successfully lobbied for the modification of these laws, and there is a major shift in policy development (Moinifar, 2011). In 2001, the cabinet approved the submission of a bill against discrimination of women, while the bill was not passed, the issue of discrimination against women was widely discussed. 

According to the UN data (2013) Iran has an overall literacy rate of 85%, with a 99.9% primary school enrollment for both boys and girls. The youth literacy rate for females is at 98.5%, hence young Iranian women now have equal opportunities as men. The impressive education rates show that the government, under the influence of women in politics, has invested heavily in public education. The government has also invested a lot in health, as seen in the improving health for women. For instance, the maternal mortality is at 37 per 100,000 live births. The infant mortality rate has also drastically reduced to 18 per 1,000 lives births (UN, 2013). Only 32% of Iranian women are engaged in the labor market, even with the high literacy rates some chose to stay home and take care of their families. In Iran, a man has the power to prevent a woman from seeking employment if it is not in the interest of the family (UN,2013).

Shojaei (2010) argues that while women have been empowered economically, socially and politically in Iran, they are yet to bridge the gender gap. Despite the increasing number of educated women, only 2% of women are in management positions, while many unqualified men are running organizations. This phenomenon is also seen in the politic life, the number of women in Iranian parliament is quite low in comparison to most countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa. Most of these nations have made an effort to increase women’s political participation, which is lacking in Iran.

Sweden

Political participation of women in Sweden has been empowering to Swedish women. Swedish women are more empowered in comparison to women in Rwanda and Iran, given their role in the socioeconomic and political aspects of the society. Sweden is often seen as a gender equality role model because it has made a lot of steps to ensure that women are empowered. Swedish women gained the right to education as early as the 1840s, and this has played an important part in the empowerment of women (Ocram, 2014).

The higher political participation of women in Sweden has played an important role in bridging the gender gap in the society. Almost half of the Swedish government ministers are women, and nearly half of the parliament is also made up of women. Having more women in the cabinet and parliament means more policies addressing the issues of women. For instance, the Swedish Discrimination Act of 2009 mandates employers to ensure equality in promotions. Gender discrimination in the workplace has been illegal since the 1980. Other policies regarding the welfare of women include: parental leave policy, legal abortion until 18th week, universal child allowance policy. 

According to Statistics Sweden (2014) gender equality policy in Sweden fosters equality in all aspects of the society. The role of women in the economic and political aspects of the society is encouraged. Swedish women have been enjoying almost equal employment opportunities as men. For instance, in 1987, the employment rate was 82% for women and 88% for men (Statistics Sweden, 2014). In 2000, the employment rate for women was at 76%, while that of men was at 81%. The mortality rate in Sweden is one of the lowest in the world, and it has been decreasing for years. The infant mortality rate is at 2.7 per 1,000 live births. 

The employment rate for women in Sweden is almost similar to that of men, and the income gap is also quite small. The average household disposable income per capita is $28,859 per year, slightly less than the OECD average of $29,016. Education in Sweden is impressive, and over 82% of Swedish adults have completed upper secondary education. Education statistics show that Swedish girls outperform boys in education (Statistics Sweden, 2014). The life expectancy in Sweden is almost 82 years, and the life expectancy of women is at 84 years, compared with 80 for men. 

The above statistics on earnings, education and mortality reflect on the political differences in Rwanda, Iran and Sweden. Sweden is one of the most developed nations in the world. An effective political system leads socioeconomic development in the society. The participation of women is a prerequisite for an effective political system. A political system that has both men and women is more likely to implement effective policies to improve the state of both men and women. Rwanda started experiencing positive growth in the society when women started taking active political roles. Women moved away from the traditional roles as homemakers, and became engaged in other areas. Women politics opened doors for other women to excel, some educated themselves and are now running successful businesses and careers. 

Despite the obvious differences, such as the difference in the number of women in parliament, the effects of political involvement of women in Rwanda, Iran and Sweden are almost the same. They have inspired women to take part in the politics rather than letting men lead. An imbalance in leadership is often associated with issues of wage difference, violence against women and general discrimination of women. The women in politics have paved the way for women to address such issues, and be involved in decision making. 

Shojaei et al. (2010) analyzes the political participation of women in Iran. From the analysis, it is apparent that the political participation of women in Iran is much lower in comparison to Rwanda and Sweden. During the last election, there were only 8 female members of parliament, which makes less than 5%. The unsatisfactory status of women in politics in Iran is attributed to various limiting factors. Some of those challenges are still experienced by women in politics in Rwanda and in Sweden. 

Factors Hindering the Participation of Women in Politics

According to Shojaei et al. (2010) women’s participation in political leadership all over the world has encountered numerous obstacles that make it hard for women to participate. For instance, women do not participate more in politics in Iran because of the cultural traditions. Traditional cultural values state that women should be involved in the domestic chores, while men are involved in the decision making. This obstacle also played a big role in denying women a chance to run for political seats in Rwanda before the genocide. Shojaei et al. (2010) notes that cultural factors take different forms, it can be in the form of social viewpoints, religious norms and common social values. Cultural factors do not just affect how the society views women, it affects how women view themselves. For instance, in Iran, most women feel that their right place should be in the home, while men should run for political seats. When women think of running for political seas, they worry that they will not be able to balance family and politic life. 

Markham (2013) states that economic factors also hinder women from participating in politics. Running for political seats is an expensive affair, and sometimes only those who have the money can hold successful political campaigns. A number of women with political ambitions are discouraged due to lack of funds, and some of them believe that they will not be a good position to help other women when they get elected due to lack of funds. 

Rai (2005) blames the electoral system for frustrating women in politics. Both Rwanda and Sweden have allocated a quota for women in parliament, but this is not the case in Iran. Research shows that proportional representation (PR) system has the potential to increase the number of women in politics. For instance, in the post-genocide Rwanda, a new electoral system was adopted such that 30% of the parliamentary seats were reserved for women. This encouraged more women to vie for political seats, such that in the end, women in parliament exceeded the set 30%. Iran is one of the most populous and the richest nations in the Middle East, it has one of the biggest parliament with over 260 members of parliament, hence the electoral system should more seats for women. 

Factors that Enhance Participation of Women in Politics

Shojaei et al. (2010) suggests various ways to encourage participation of women in politics, especially in Iran. The culture and the mind frame of the society regarding the participation of women in politics has to change. Women in politics should be supported, and those aspiring to join politics must be given the right support. Traditional ideologies and views concerning women the adequacy of women should be challenged. Social renovation is also necessary to influence the formation of new positive cultural values and norms. While changing traditional norms is a tasking process, it is possible as seen in the example of Rwanda. Before the genocide in Rwanda, women could not run for a parliamentary seat, women could not even seek employment or own property, but that all changed. For such change to be implemented, it must be supported by men, especially those in power. Women must also believe in their capabilities, and must be willing to take risks for the greater good of the general welfare of women in the society. 

In countries such as Iran, women shy away from politics and choose to be a part of social structures that are less structured and goal oriented (Rai, 2005). Even when women possess the characteristics of a good candidate, vying for a political role does not come naturally to women as it does for men, especially when there are many barriers. It is the responsibility of the electoral system and the parliament to create policies and a conducive environment that will encourage women to step forward.

Political parties should also play their part in encouraging women to vie. Political parties play an important role in determining the candidates who will be elected. In most cases, political parties view men as viable candidates in comparison to female candidates. According to Moinifar (2011) more women vie for political office, but due to the lack of support from political parties and voters, they do not reach the last rounds. Iran’s political parties should borrow a leaf from Swedish political parties. Political parties in Sweden have introduced a 50% rule, such that an equal number of female and male candidates are required during nominations to give equal opportunities to men and women interested in politics. 

Freidenwall (2003) discusses in detail how quotas have improved the participation of women in politics. Both Rwanda and Sweden have a quota system in place, and it has encouraged more women to run for elected office. According to Freidenwall (2003), sixteen of the twenty countries that have reached the target of 30 percent women in parliament implemented the quota system. Political parties around the world are also implementing the quota system by reserving some seats for women. Post conflict societies such as Rwanda, Iraq and Afghanistan are making progress due to the inclusive national assemblies created by the quota system. 

Rwanda, Iran and Sweden are nations in three different continents. These countries reflect the level of participation across their respective continents to some extent. For instance, many women vie for political seats in Europe in comparison to Asia and Africa. However, Rwanda has become an exception and a role model for most African countries. It is worth noting that public opinion towards participation of women in politics varies from region to region, this can explain why very few women are running for political seats in Iran (Markham, 2013). Regardless, to some degree the public is now getting used to women in politics, and the public actually wants to see more women running. A study conducted by the Pew Research Poll across 47 countries on global attitudes towards women in leadership in 2007 showed that the public viewed women as equally good political leaders just like men. However, in conservative societies such as Mali, Palestine, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Brazil and Russia, the results showed that most people thought men were better leaders than women. 

From the analysis of the three nations, it is evident that women in politics contribute a lot to the development of society, particularly women empowerment (Janghorban et al., 2014). Women have occupied “social” positions in the past more than “political” positions, hence they tend to push for social policies to address social problems in the society. Sweden often tops the list of the best nations because of the developed governance that aims to address all the social issues, in Sweden the employment and income gap between men and women is almost negligible. Since the first Swedish minister was appointed in 1947, Sweden has attained monumental progresses in both the socioeconomic and political aspects of the society (Freidenwall, 2003). 

Proponents of women in politics also suggest that women have a strong work ethic and are more honest. Though it is wrong to elect women on the basis of positive gender stereotypes, it is undeniable that women in parliament are more likely to be concerned with the welfare of the electorate as seen in the example of Rwanda. As Rwanda was rebuilding its society after the genocide, it became obvious that some of the past mistakes could have been avoided or at least minimized if more women were in leadership. 

Markham (2013) suggests that women contribute to a strong and vibrant society, and political systems that do not want to fail in today’s society have no choice but to involve women. In nations such as Iran, women are facing a number of social problems that could have been easily addressed if more women were engaged in politics. Iran is still a patriarchal society, and men easily get away with injustices committed against women. In Iran, a man can murder a woman for adultery, and the law will justify his actions. More participation of women is necessary in Iran in order to establish a democracy that respects the rights of men and women equally. 

In conclusion, increasing women’s voice in the society is a prerequisite for improving the commitment to health, education and economic development as seen in the example of Sweden. Sweden and Iran are two extreme cases, whereby Sweden has succeeded in encouraging the participation of women in politics, while Iran has done to encourage women. The level of education, the state of health and the mortality statistics in Sweden suggest a positive relationship between these aspects and women in leadership. It is not coincidental that developed nations have more women in parliament. Empowering women politically helps nations to build key democratic institutions to address social issues such as jobs, wellbeing, security and human development. Rwanda has managed to build strong institutions, such that it is hard to tell that it was at the brink of collapsing two decades ago. Women in politics are more motivated by issues of community development, therefore, nations must put in place policies and measures to encourage women to take up more political roles. 

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