CIA Involvement in the Nicaraguan Contra Rebellion and the US Cocaine Epidemic

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 

Background 

A few years after the end of World War II, the US and the Soviet Union engaged in a geopolitical tension better known as the Cold War. The tension between the two countries immediately put an end to the temporary wartime alliance against the Nazi Germany and supporting forces. Following the participation of the two powerful states in the win by Allied forces, each had significant vision of establishing global influence. The two nations had profound political and economic differences (Beinhart, 2010). Various American administrations recognized the Soviet Union as a major threat to global peace as they forcefully dismantled weak democratic states in the European, Middle Eastern, and Asian continents. These were substituted for communist governance which would serve as a satellite states that supported the Soviet Union’s quest for establishing itself as the superpower nation of the world. The country was governed by a Communist Party that adopted the political ideologies based on the works of Karl Marx and Leninism (Beinhart, 2010). The ruling party had control of the military, press, economy, and numerous organizations. On the other hand, the US among other First World nations formed the Western Bloc of the Cold War. The political state was largely democratic with the formation of a free press, and independent corporations. The latter usually have a political and economical network of banana Republics and authoritarian regimes of the Third world. 

During the late 1960s, the United States government had a particular interest in countries that were undergoing civil wars in Latin America. After the Vietnam War, the US government was determined not to “lose” any more territory to Communism. The defeat in Vietnam was a significant indicator that following rules of engagement in ensuring a roll-back of communist governments backed by the Soviets would not be successful. Thus, provision of overt and covert aid was a necessary practice to maintain the American status of superpower. They were eager to support the Contra rebellion against the Nicaraguan communist government. The main connections between the Contras and the CIA were Oscar Blandon and Norwin Meneses (Nunn, 2002). The two well known drug dealers were able to organize shipments of cocaine from Nicaragua and southern California via airplane drops. CIA supported the Contras with money and weapons to fight a guerrilla war against the current Nicaraguan government in exchange for cocaine. The weapons that the CIA supplied the Contras were a product of an arms deal with Iran. Richard Nixon and Ronald Regan were key presidents in declaring the “war on drugs” however, the US government was simultaneously aware of the dealings between the CIA and the Contras that funneled cocaine into the Los Angeles areas (Nunn, 2002). 

Once the cocaine was trafficked into the US, Los Angeles gangs facilitated the distribution of the drugs to other areas of the countries. . With the discovery of how to transform cocaine into a cheaper form called “crack” during the 1970s, the United States consequently experienced the crack epidemic that lasted through the 1980s. As crack became more pervasive and available, the leaders in US government decided to implement mandatory drug sentences for the possession and distribution of crack cocaine that were significantly harsher than the penalties for the possession of pure cocaine (Beinart, 2010). These laws contributed to the disproportionate incarceration of poor people and minorities, as a form of institutionalized racism, which still affects those communities today (Nunn, 2002). The Regan administration’s “Just say no” campaign was a supposed war on drugs in the United States. It began after the First Lady Nancy Reagan was asked by a school girl what to do if someone offered her drugs to which she responded, “Just Say No”. The program was intended to teach children ways of resisting peer pressure and refraining from experimenting with drugs (Beinart, 2010). However, it really functioned as a front to target poor communities where drugs were rampant. This practice brought about prejudice targeting of African Americans believed to be at the core of illegal drug trafficking and consumption in the low-income neighborhoods (Nunn, 2002). High levels of mass incarceration drastically increased during the Reagan administration despite the fact that the term “War on Drugs” was coined during Nixon’s Presidency (Nunn, 2002). 

The connections between the US government, Nicaragua, and Iran were first uncovered in a series published by the San Jose Mercury News called “ Dark Alliance: The Story Behind the Crack Explosion ” by a reporter named Gary Webb. The author’s intention was to shed light on the significant involvement of the US government in the cocaine epidemic present in the vast majority of poverty stricken neighborhoods (Beinart, 2010). The US Congress preferred that the Sandinistas, which was the reigning communist party in Nicaragua, to engage in negotiations with the Contras. This led to the passage of the Boland Amendment in 1982 that would prohibit the CIA and the Defense Department from aiding the latter group using its federal budget. However, the Reagan administration was adamant to support the Contras and would raise funds from private donors and foreign governments. Despite the ban by Congress, the unrelenting determination to ensure that communism does not spread any further led to covert operations by the CIA and senior officials in the National Security Council (Beinart, 2010). The Lebanon hostage crisis between 1982 and 1992 offered an effective route to increasing funds for the covert operation. The majority of the hostages were mainly Americans and Western Europeans. A secret and illegal negotiation by the Reagan Administration was employed where Iran would purchase nearly 2000 missiles from the US without the knowledge of Congress. The earnings of the sale would be funneled to the Contras for training of the rebel group and an increase in power in Nicaragua. 

The news of the illegal transaction between the US government and the Contras became public knowledge in 1986 where numerous individuals from the National Security council were dismissed including Oliver North and John Poindexter. The events would be known as the Iran-Contra Scandal, identifying the illegal measures the US government employed in its foreign policy. The Dark Alliance series highlighted some of these practices in connection with the rampant illegal crack cocaine trafficking taking place in the country. However, the mainstream media devoted significant resources that would be used to discredit Gary Webb. The executive editor of San Jose Mercury News, Jerry Ceppos, in fear of losing his position and facing considerable backlash from the government retreated from the story and destroyed thousands of undistributed versions of the site. Despite the fact that Webb had extensively documented evidence that linked money fueling the horrific US-supported war against Nicaragua to the profits earned from the 1980s crack epidemic in LA, he was marginalized to the point of being forced to quit his job (Beinart, 2010). It is believed that the L.A. Times was embarrassed that its journalists had missed a huge opportunity in uncovering government controversies on its turf. This was the primary factor that resulted in the attempts to quash the story prompting other major news outlets like The New York Times to follow suit in establishing a contrary narrative. 

An internal investigation carried out by CIA would later confirm that the claims made by Gary Webb were indeed truthful. The findings of the investigations demonstrated the extent ruling governments may go to in an effort to enforce political ideologies. The Reagan Doctrine that was used until the end of the Cold War was a significant measure of rolling back the influence of the Soviet Union (Beinart, 2010). Previous administrations before Reagan took over failed to reduce the tensions between the two countries or put an end to it. The US government at the time is depicted to lack the moral construct expected of a superpower democracy. This is shown by the administration’s eagerness to inflict harm on its own people as it sought to forcefully transfer its political ideologies in the war-stricken Nicaragua (Beinart, 2010). Turning a blind eye to the smuggling of crack cocaine into the country was depicted as a clear lack of concern for the locals. The high levels of unemployment particularly among the unemployed persons in the US neighborhoods meant it was likely they would become addicted (Michaels, 1987). Through the Reagan Doctrine, the illegalization of drug possession in later years would also criminalize the minority groups a form of institutionalized racism. The mainstream news outlets were seen as shameful for their failure to undertake significant measures to ascertain the validity of Webb’s research. Instead, they incorporated large amounts of resources to discredit the author (Beinart, 2010). These major newspapers like LA Times, The Washington Post, and the New York Times are depicted as a disgrace to the modern media. 

Research Questions 

What are the primary reasons for the CIA’s involvement in Nicaragua? 

What is the belief of the Reagan Administration in setting up the Reagan Doctrine? 

Why was there a political divide between the US Congress and the Reagan Administration in his second term? 

Were the illegal techniques employed by the Reagan administration warranted for and were they effective? 

What are the consequences of the involvement in drug smuggling and foreign policy? 

Statement of the Problem 

From the very beginning of Ronald Reagan’s Presidency, he was convinced that Central America was a hot spot for instability in the world. Despite the citizens being satisfied by their own leaders and the Sandinistas openly declaring that they would not be a satellite state for the Soviet Union, the administration meddled to undermine the legitimacy of the Nicaraguan government. Although numerous studies establish the parallel occurrence of the CIA involvement in the Nicaraguan Contra Rebellion and the prevalent cocaine epidemic, few establish a connection between the two. The following research is intended to shed light on the clear association between the two while bridging the knowledge gap on the purpose, effects, and a critical analysis of the issue. 

Methodology 

The following study will employ a systematic review design in the assessment of the available historical data from current literature. This methodology is an effective means of understanding the numerous historical descriptions of the events during the Nicaraguan Contra Rebellion and the US cocaine epidemic. The research will be qualitative as it incorporates numerous measures of highlighting thematic resemblance between different authors. 

Definition of Concepts 

Epidemic: This is the rapid spread of an infectious disease across a large population in a limited period. 

Institutionalized Racism: This is a form of racism that is demonstrated by the practices of political and social institutions usually governed by the norms that uphold racist thinking in the form of employment, criminal justice, healthcare, political power, and wealth. 

Foreign Policy: These are strategies incorporated by a ruling government on how they will interact with other nations as a means of achieving their self-interests while safeguarding the national interests of the country. 

Terrorism: The act of a malicious group seeking to inflict harm on an innocent civilian as a means of evoking the attention of the government or concerned international groups. 

War on Drugs: The action on the government seeking to eliminate the negative health and economic effects associated with drugs. 

Power: This is the capacity to influence or direct the behavior of other members of the community usually political leaders have such capacity. In this context, it refers to the abilities of a country in the international scene in terms of economic, political, and military capability. 

Contras: These are the US-backed and funded right-wing rebel groups against the left-wing Sandinistas and were active between 1979 and the early 1990s. Though there were numerous groups on this front, the largest was the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN) but all were united at least nominally. 

Sandinistas: These are the members of the Sandinista National Liberation Front a democratic socialist political part in Nicaragua who form the left-wing and resisted against the US occupation in their country. 

Delimitations 

The following research is a critical search for the influence of the CIA during the Reagan administration in the occupation taking place in the Central American country, Nicaragua. The study will focus on the decisions made by the President, the active advisors to the Executive branch, the Congress, and other relevant members of the administration in the events taking place. The influences of these decisions will be a primary focus of the research. However, the report will focus on only the provable facts of the impacts and minimize the rumors that may have been spread by the media. In this regard, the study will incorporate peer reviewed articles as sources of the events taking place at the time. Additionally, the government records may also offer appropriate references of the historical data sought to illuminate the issue of primary concern. The research intends to identify the connection between the participation of the CIA in the Nicaraguan Contras Rebellion and the crack cocaine epidemic that came along (Michaels, 1987). The research will show that the foreign policy incorporated by the Reagan administration was a significant factor in the negative effects of the international and domestic affairs. This study will only focus on the laws and amendments that associate with the Nicaraguan occupation and the drug trafficking concern. Other laws may be included if they significantly influence the practices of the CIA in either of the activities taking place during the Reagan administration. 

Significance of the study 

The following study is an important measure of identifying the effectiveness of the foreign policies that the US government sets into place during the different administrations. The Reagan doctrine is depicted to be the primary document that guided the enforcement of the various foreign relations practices. The integral purpose of this research is to conduct a critical review of the historical events that the administration conducted in order to ascertain the involvement of the government in the Nicaraguan rebellion and the resulting crack cocaine epidemic in the US (Michaels, 1987). The study is intended to inform the reader of the various ills that the government has participated in following numerous allegations and counter-allegations that question the legitimacy of the most recent election and the authority of his office. The critical review of the Reagan administration in its secret actions in the Iran-Contra Scandal and the cocaine epidemic will help reveal various influences of the decisions made by the government to tackle modern day concerns. The participating members of the administration of nearly three decades ago and the current ones are Republicans in a state of crisis that could go on without end. It is as though the current society is relieving a tape loop of crises that affected the Republican Party leaders in the 1970s or 80s where they are unprepared for the events that follow. Through this research, it will be great means of identifying techniques of reducing the executive’s branch control over government decisions in the events that will follow. 

Organization of the remainder of the study 

The following chapters will systematically break down information into a logical and understandable manner. In this case, Chapter 2 will focus on a review of literature on the issue. This chapter identifies the various studies that have conducted a critical analysis of the CIA’s involvement in the Nicaraguan revolution and the cocaine epidemic that affected the US citizens for the majority of the 1980s. During this process, the chapter provides a historical overview of the events as they take place. In this regard, it is important to ensure that the key points of the literature on the historical events are clearly stated. The various similarities on the different studies are outlined to emphasize the importance of the issue. Chapter 3 then identifies two theoretical frameworks that significantly identify the nature of the decisions made by the Reagan administration. This chapter is intended to provide the reader with a detailed review of how the events are explained in terms of international relations and the effects on the affected parties. 

The fourth Chapter is the results page which discuses the various findings of the overall research. In this case, the chapter is intended to merge the different findings of the different literature used in the study as it creates in aggregating the similarities and highlighting distinct differences (Michaels, 1987). The primary focus is to ascertain the involvement of the CIA in the significant historical events and how it led to drastic consequences. Chapter five is a discussion of the results as it helps answer the various research questions of the study. In this regard, the various limitations of incorporating the literature will also be discussed. Finally, the conclusion will be laid out as it provides an inference of the various events that have taken place over the course of the research. Significant recommendations of the review will also be provided as a measure of subjecting the future government policies into question particularly when concerning international relations. 

CHAPTER 2 

REVIEW OF LITERATURE 

Introduction 

The 40 th President of the United States was born in a different era where the European powers held much of the sway in global politics while the US was just beginning to take hold of its practices. Even before he took up presidency, he had critics on both the left and right wing each questioning his ability to cope with the issues at hand. On the one hand, left wing critics were concerned about his physical age identifying that he was to old to keep up with the intellectual requirements of the role as his ideas were of a bygone era. On the other hand, the right wing critics would question his ability to effectively enforce the policies that will help deal with the Soviet Union’s growing strength and influence in the world and the effectiveness of personal diplomacy that bedeviled previous presidents before him. By the end of his tenure, it was evident that the concerns of his critics were misplaced. It is clear that they had grossly underestimated his performance as the leader of the free world. However, with this great power came a dark side of the US foreign policy. It was evident that the actions of Reagan’s administration significantly impacted the events taking place in Nicaragua, Central America and in the domestic community. The primary intention of maintaining peace in the global society was not realized. 

Shift in Power 

In the aftermath of the Vietnam conflict, peaceful coexistence with the Soviet Union, which took a more permissive view of communist expansion in the Third World, had won over many in the American foreign policy establishment. Reagan would have none of it. Neither would those, the realists, who also saw the balance of power in the world shift dangerously during the 1970s (Wilson, 2016). They knew that the United States had to reverse that trend through strengthened alliances and a restored American military. That is not to say they favored conflict, but the use of force would be an available option. Better still, they understood that military power, even when held in reserve, had utility. As Reagan also said—though often overlooked—in his address to the British Parliament: “Our military strength is a prerequisite to peace, but let it be clear we maintain this strength in the hope it will never be used.” It would be up to Casper Weinberger and Colin Powell to clarify how and when that power would be used. They did not want U.S. forces committed unless the national interests of the United States or its allies were in clear jeopardy (Wilson, 2016). Once the decision to commit U.S. forces has been made, the troops must be guided by clear objectives, and given the freedom to achieve the set goals (Wilson, 2016). Under such guiding principles, the Reagan administration went about the revitalization of American power. 

The balance between Reagan’s two principles of freedom and power became skewed after the Cold War. During the latter half of the 1990s, the rapid spread of democracy across Eastern Europe and parts of the Third World seemed to validate the ascendancy of the precept centered on freedom. Many came to believe that the movement toward liberal democracy and free markets was irresistible, though the United States might have to provide the occasional nudge—with military force if needed (Wilson, 2016). Hence, the Wilsonian view began to muscle out what came to be considered outdated concerns over power relationships. After all, in a time when it was the dominant power, the United States should surely take aim at the problems of tyranny and poverty and root them out as the means to achieve long-term security (Wilson, 2016). Such intellectual justification was used, in part, by Bill Clinton to involve the United States in the Balkans during the 1990s and by George W. Bush in Iraq after 2003. Certainly today, building democracies, no matter how creaky, seems to be increasingly embedded into the Pentagon’s operating procedures (Michaels, 1987). 

Pressure to win the Cold War 

From the beginning of his presidency, there was immense pressure on Reagan and his administration to effectively cope with the growing influence of the Soviet Union. The defeat in Vietnam was a clear indicator that the latter group was growing in strength and its influence in the global society. As a result, the US government identified the importance of putting significant measures of calling an end to the tensions between the two countries (Vaughan, 2017). Ronald Reagan was a strong believer in personal diplomacy - the idea of having a face-to-face discussion with those he was seeking to persuade. That's why, after becoming president, he often talked privately about the desire to engage the leader of the Soviet Union in a one-on-one conversation, to diminish any fear of the United States' intentions and to seek common ground for reducing tensions and promoting peace (Vaughan, 2017). Nevertheless, his speech to the British parliament demonstrates that his desire for peace would not be a sign of his reluctance to use military power. However, he had a strong belief that the use of diplomacy was the appropriate means to ensure effective end to the tension. He borrows the idea following the effectiveness of President Nixon’s achievements of a détente after a visit to the secretary general of the Soviet Communist Party, Leonid Brezhnev (Michaels, 1987). 

This was not a new idea for the president. Years before, when he was governor of California, he spoke frequently of his desire to host Soviet leaders on a trip across America, so that he could explain to them the truth about how workers prospered under a free economy. He also knew the value of direct and frank discussion and was confident of his own negotiating ability (Vaughan, 2017). As president of the Screen Actors Guild, he spent countless hours negotiating with the owners of major motion picture studios, hammering out a contract that was fair for both parties. He was often heard saying with humor that it was impossible for the Russians to be any tougher in negotiating that Jack Warner, the Studio head of Warner Bros (Vaughan, 2017). In this case, he had shown his determination to put an end to the tensions between the countries. However, it was evident that the Soviets would not back down as they began spreading their ideologies into weak democracies particularly in the Third World. The Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan was a clear indicator that the personal diplomacy would not achieve the desired results (Vaughan, 2017). It was clear, that the Soviets were unrelenting to accept the views of the Western Bloc and would do everything possible to effectively transfer them to other countries. 

When the Central American country, Nicaragua, began to experience political unrest, it was a cause for major concern. The Reagan administration identified that it could be a possible for the country to become another form of Cuba. Nearly two decades earlier, the US was experiencing a similar state when the revolutionary war of Cuba led to the formation of a communism country. Fidel Castro had taken up power and aligned his beliefs with that of the Soviets (Vaughan, 2017). He would also become dependent on the communist power for economic and military aid. The influence of the Soviets on Cuba would greatly increase as only three years later, the former was installing medium-range ballistic missiles on the latter’s country only 90miles away from the American coast. It was only through the efforts of the American U-2 spy plane that made a high altitude pass over Cuba pointed out the impending danger. The Nicaraguan war between the Sandinistas and the Contras had significant similarities to the Cuban experience. The reigning government upheld communist views despite approving for elections to be carried out. Based on this notion alone, the Reagan administration decided to make haste on destabilizing this political party primarily because it had the potential of attracting the Soviets. The distances from Cuba and Nicaragua to the US are almost similar though the former is closer. In this regard, there was impending danger to the US national security and the administration had to act immediately. 

Legal Issues 

The events taking place during the CIA involvement in Nicaraguan Contras Rebellion have brought about significant concern for the legality of the practices. It is evident that the various measures and efforts that the Reagan administration employed were a stretch from acceptable standards of operation. The opinion of the International Court of Justice in the Nicaragua case will be of interest primarily because of its general pronouncements on questions of international law (Stephen, Dibba, Njikam, Farina, & Hagos, 2008). Its impact on the immediate controversy appears slight; the United States Government has strongly indicated its view that the Court lacked jurisdiction over the controversy, has vetoed subsequent proposed Security Council resolutions on the subject, and is appropriating additional funds for the contested activities, without apparent reference to the Court's decision (Stephen et al., 2008). This Comment is limited to the general theoretical and legal issues and will not treat the underlying factual issues, the Court's disposition of the immediate case or the implications of the opinion for the evolution of the dispute (Vaughan, 2017). The opinion will be a source of scholarly discussion on a number of general issues, only some of which can be mentioned here (Stephen et al., 2008). 

Whether the Court's interpretations will withstand the test of time to become an accepted part of customary international law, or are later viewed as steps or even aberrations in that development can only be decided on the basis of their acceptance and application in state practice (Stephen et al., 2008). Two of these issues are substantive: the ruling of the Court on sources of new international law and its interpretation of the limits on the use of self-defense to aggression. Two are procedural: its treatment of nonappearing states and the consequences of its division of jurisdiction and merits phases. It would be necessary for this paper to speak more on this issues that the available space (Stephen et al., 2008). Each of these topics merit more substantial treatment than is possible in the short space available here. The basic issues can only be outlined. 

Terrorism 

The activities that are usually undertaken by the Executive branch of the American administration usually remain unknown to the public until a major scandal takes place. This has been the primary experience of the events taking place in the post-war world as the numerous administrations tackle the tension with the Soviet Union (Stephen et al., 2008). As a result, many Americans have little knowledge of the “dark side” of the U.S. foreign policy’s past (Bovard, 2004). The conservatives in particular will identify the Reagan’s Presidency as on that began and ended with the defeat of the Soviet Union following the latter’s collapse in 1991. Unfortunately, the US government participated in many actions that do not reflect favorably on the American devotion to uphold human rights. It is these actions that were depicted as an act of terror and disruption of peace in the world (Bovard, 2004). President Reagan critically detested the belief that the actions of one man could be viewed as a terrorist while for others could be a freedom fighter. He identified such thoughts as delusions that clouded the effective attack against terrorism in the world. He believed that freedom fighters did not have to terrorize a population until they submit so as to gain power (Stephen et al., 2008). Instead, he advocated that the individuals target instruments that instigate repression of the people and help keep the dictatorship in power (Bovard, 2004). Rather than cause harm on the civilians, the freedom fighters intend to fight to free the people from oppression by forming a government that reflects their will. This practice will help establish an effective form of governance. 

In contrast Reagan declared that terrorists are those individuals who intentionally kill others particularly the unarmed civilians, usually children and women. He especially admired the Nicaraguan freedom fighters who were determined give their lives to establish respect for human rights, democracy, and lawful governance of the country (Bovard, 2004). Similarly, Secretary of State George Schultz declared in a June 24, 1984, speech that it is not difficult to identify the terrorists from the freedom fighters when taking a closer look at political revolutions across the world (Bovard, 2004). However, only a few weeks before the 1984 presidential election, mainstream media reported the distinct involvement of the CIA in the Nicaraguan rebellion (Bovard, 2004). The federal agency had financed, produced, and distributed a manual that would help the contras in effectively assassinating the Marxist Sandinista government officials. The manual, identified as the “Psychological Operations in Guerrilla War,” would advocate for the selective use of violence as a means of spreading propaganda and “neutralize” government officials, which is clearly meant to murder them (Bovard, 2004). Nicaraguan Contras were advised to lead numerous people who were against the reigning communist party to engage in war (Stephen et al., 2008). This was a common practice among the Contras in Nicaragua who had taken drastic measures against their own people as a means of disrupting the legitimacy of the reigning communist government. 

War on Drugs and Racism 

The activities of the US government during the revolution taking place in Central America can be identified as an act of racism (Davis, 2012). As earlier stated, President Reagan was particularly questioned by his critics during his first term based on his age. He was born at a time when the European imperial powers had a hold on the rest of the world. At the same time, there was an embedded belief of white supremacy in the society. It is this factor that is inherently depicted as a primary driver in the actions of the Reagan administration (Davis, 2012). The US, since its independence from the monarchial British, has always advocated for the rights of its people (Michaels, 1987). The leaders will selflessly identify different ways of ensuring the safety of the people. However, this depiction of true leadership is only evident when protecting the rights of white Americans. Throughout history, there has been conflict between the African Americans and the majority whites. It was not until the aftermath of the Second World War that the views and ideals of the former were heard (Davis, 2012). The peaceful protests and the determination to seek out justice for the black people was a common occurrence in the society. Even after official recognition by the constitution of the land in 1968, there has been a strained relationship between the two ethnic groups. 

The Reagan administration is not free of these negative ills of racial discrimination as depicted by the crack cocaine epidemic. The news media depicted the involvement of a trio of men who would bring about the rapid rise of the epidemic; Norwin Meneses, Danilo Blandon, and Ricky Donnell “Freeway Rick” Ross. These three men were all from different lives and came together to achieve a common goal (Davis, 2012). Meneses was a drug dealer in Nicaragua, Blandon was previously a member of the Nicaraguan government during the Somoza regime before it was overthrown in 1979, while Freeway Rick was an African American who was determined to avoid the plight of poverty that had affected many members of his community (Davis, 2012). In these three men, they controlled majority of the drug smuggling taking place in the US. Meneses had connections to the Colombian drug cartel and would enable the effective delivery of drugs into the country as a means of increasing their profits. On the other hand, Blandon was adamant that Nicaragua could experience a revolution (Davis, 2012). He had fled into the US seeking to raise funds that would help in supplying arms and weapons for the Contra group. However, it is the third man, Freeway Rick that is left to bear the blame for the epidemic that had affected the United States inner cities (Davis, 2012). He is depicted as a man who has betrayed his own people by spreading the crack plague. 

The revelations provided by Garry Webb in his series of “Dark Alliance” in the San Jose Mercury News, it is evident just how far deep the relations between the three men run. Blandon is in fact seen as the integral figure in the rise of the drug epidemic. It is depicted, that he came into the US seeking asylum after the Cuban supported Sandinistas overthrew the Somoza regime. His family was a major beneficiary to the Somoza government and the coupe led to seizure of all their property (Davis, 2012). Blandon would flee the country to avoid further harm from befalling his family including his wife and daughters. It was such events that prompted him to seek a significant means of making money that would help in funding a revolution for his country. He met numerous acquaintances and former college classmates with whom they would form a strong foundation to establish businesses (Davis, 2012). One of the men he would meet was Col. Enrique Bermudez who was a military leader for the Somoza administration and a liaison to the American military. Bermudez had been hired by the CIA from the mid-1980s in a quest to bring together the various remnants of the Nicaraguan National Guard who had dispersed following the ousting of Somoza from power (Davis, 2012). He had helped a group of individuals who were determined to rebel against the Sandinistas. 

The investigation by Webb as depicted in his three day series of Dark Alliance demonstrates that the CIA was well aware of the events taking place. Meneses was another individual involved in the drug trade. He was actively pursued by the DEA and FBI divisions on the US for his connections with the sale of drugs since the early 1970s. However, he seemed to have mysteriously evaded the law enforcement agencies (Vaughan, 2017). It is through the assistance provided by the CIA that these men were able to escape significant punishment under US jurisdiction. They would travel from time to time between the two countries as they continued living their extravagant lives (Vaughan, 2017). The records in the CIA clearly depict the involvement of these individuals but barely indicate the participation of the officers in the agency. From the above depiction, it is clear that the CIA government had particularly incorporated the members of the Latina community in the trade and distribution of cocaine. It had earlier started off as the pure drug used by majority of the wealthy members in the State of California (Wilson, 2016). However, when Blandon joined in the practice, he identified the inner city communities populated by the African Americans as a major source of income. It was through this practice that a new market grew and the law enforcement sources sought to target the distributors and the consumers. 

During the Reagan administration, it is evident that the enforced foreign policy lacked significant concern for the effects it would have on the local citizens. The CIA under the guidance of the president and many of his representatives would support the quest to achieve a democratic society in Nicaragua. Meneses was a known drug dealer in his own country and had been accused of numerous crimes such as murder (Davis, 2012). However, when the Somoza regime was overthrown, the US government provided him a visa and work permit for nearly six years that identified him as a political refugee (Nunn, 2002). These individuals were incorporated as informants to the Reagan administration as they were tasked with the role of ensuring high level of organization in bringing in drugs from Colombia and leaving the distribution of the same into the inner cities of Los Angeles and the rest of American states (Davis, 2012). On the other hand, Freeway Rick an African American who had suffered the drastic effects of racial discrimination in the US society was left blamed for his desire to achieve a better life. He had started off as a small-time peddler in the inner streets to a major distributor as he got acquainted with Meneses and Blandon. By the time the Dark Alliance series was released to the public, he was at the brink of life imprisonment and his fate lay in the hands of his two business partners (Davis, 2012). 

The occurrences affecting Freeway Rick by 1995 had become a common incidence in the African American community. The Reagan administration had called for the beginning of the war against drugs. In this declaration, the law enforcement were prompted to criminalize any individual who was thought to have taken part in its distribution or consumption (Davis, 2012). At the time, crack cocaine, a cheaper version of the powder form, was sold to the inner city population largely formed by the African Americans. On the other hand, the more expensive version was distributed to the richer neighborhoods (Davis, 2012). However, the law enforcement agencies particularly targeted the poorer members of community where possession of as little as five grams of crack cocaine could result in incarceration of the culprit for up to five years (Nunn, 2002). The sentence was similar for individuals who possessed 500 grams of the pure powder. In this practice, the Reagan administration is depicted to have targeted the Black community unfairly (Davis, 2012). 

Reports show that African American men were 7.7 times more likely to be incarcerated than the white male (Nunn, 2002). This is particularly unfair when in 1992 76% of drug users in the US were white while only 14% were Black, and 8% were Hispanic (Nunn, 2002). The demographics are largely the same in the consumption of cocaine where 66% were white, 17.6% Black, and 15.9% Hispanic as per reports by the US Public Health Service Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (Vaughan, 2017). The reports show a clear lack of legitimate law enforcement interest in arresting the African Americans at a higher rate than their white counterparts. It is evident that individuals who consume drugs will usually purchase them from individuals of the same race. In this regard, due to the higher numbers of Whites consuming cocaine at the time, it is expected that there is an almost equal number of peddlers of the same race. 

Similarities and Differences in the Research 

The research used in this literature review provides significant evidence of activities undertaken by the US government under the Reagan administration in addressing the concerns of the Nicaragua crisis. In the available research, it is unanimously agreed that the CIA had a hand in the Nicaraguan Contras Rebellion taking place in the early 1980s (Vaughan, 2017). From the onset of the Reagan administration in 1981, the US government through the executive branch had supported the covert and overt operations to assist the rebellion group. The support would be provided by collaboration between the US and Argentine government where the latter had already deployed military support to the Nicaraguan Contras (Vaughan, 2017). The research shows that the CIA did not intend to engage in any armed conflict against the Sandinistas who incorporated semi-communist principles into their political ideology. However, the support provided by the intelligence agency through the approval of the executive branch would be monetary aid and arms (Vaughan, 2017). The research shows that the involvement of the Reagan administration allowed the supply to be provided to the Argentine military before it was later given to the rebel groups in Nicaragua. The US government is clearly depicted to have had an active role in the rebellion that would bring about a wide range of issues in the Central American country and domestically as well. 

The research also unanimously shows that there is a clear connection between the crack cocaine epidemic and the CIA involvement in the Central American state. In this case, when a civil war erupted in 1979 leading to the ejection of the reigning democratic administration in Nicaragua, many of its political and military leaders fled to California for their own safety (Vaughan, 2017). Despite the heinous crimes that these individuals had been part of while in their country, the US government approved for their visas and work permits that would allow them to become residents. The action of the government enforced by the CIA would be the beginning of a large amount of illegal trafficking of drugs into the country (Ehiemua, 2014). The Reagan administration had been banned from using any of the CIA’s budget to fund the Contras rebellion. As a result, the leaders who had fled from Nicaragua began to organize the transportation and sale of cocaine sourced from Columbia. The law enforcement agency turned a blind eye to these illegal practices as the profits earned would help fund the foreign policy that had been integral to the Reagan administration. The research shows that the CIA hired the major organizers of the drug trafficking to become informants for intelligence on the cartel leaders in Latin America. According to the vanguard research conducted by journalist Garry Webb, the US had paid Blandon in excess of $166,000 in the 18 months leading up to the arrest of Freeway Rick (Wilson, 2016). It is a clear indicator that the federal government was more focused on enforcing its foreign policy rather than protecting its citizens from the harm of the addictive drug. 

There is a significant gap in knowledge on the issue of the government’s involvement in the illegal support of Nicaragua rebellion, sale of guns to Iran while they were under an arms embargo, and the rise of the crack cocaine epidemic (Ehiemua, 2014). Despite clear evidence that shows that the executive branch participated in the illegal events taking place in Nicaragua and the US, there is little information provided to illuminate the reasoning in the disparity between foreign policy and the ideologies enforced by the administration (Ehiemua, 2014). There is a clear gap in knowledge in explaining the choices made by the president at the time and his various advisors. While it is evident that the administration did not want a repeat of the Cuba missile crisis, it is not clear how members of the society will be able to stop the government from engaging in similar practices in the future. In this case, the CIA under the guidance and approval of the executive branch of the federal government allowed drug trafficking to take place as a means of funding their ideals in the Central American republic (Ehiemua, 2014). However, the government through multiple subsidiaries of law enforcement agencies would criticize the Black community as an integral cause for the distribution of cocaine and the resulting epidemic in the country. These allegations are falsely stated, but the research findings do not provide an effective means of addressing the concern. 

CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 

Dependency Theory 

The theoretical approach adopted herein is the economic theory of dependency, otherwise known as ’dependency theory.’ The war against Nicaragua had to do with sustaining the economic dependency of a Third World country in the interests of imperial power. According to the Brazilian social scientist Theotonio Dos Santos, “by dependency we mean a situation in which the economy of certain countries is conditioned by the development and expansion of another economy to which the former is subjected” (Ehiemua, 2014). Accordingly, the emphasis is on the unequal military, political, and economic relationships between a dependent economy and the dominating external economy. The structure of the former is shaped very much by the requirements, or, rather, by the unreasonable demands, of the external economy (Ehiemua, 2014). In other words, the domestic political economy is not only shaped by the interactions with a more powerful external economy, but is also shaped by the realities of fiscal starvation for social purposes, which is an inevitable corollary of being linked to a predatory military-industrial complex whose primary goal is the narrow concentration of capital, which evidently depends heavily on coercive economic measures and military prowess. 

But we reject that part of ‘dependency theory’ which asserts that the economies of dependencies would be impossible to maintain without the support of the external factors, since such an argument is obviously flawed—for the sake of self-serving fraud (Chibundu, 2017). In point of fact, a substantial part of Third World indebtedness is illegitimate, so such an argument cannot be taken seriously at all, since if a substantial part of Third World debts were to be cancelled, as they well should (since they are odious, which is a legal concept), then Third World countries could very well function without external assistance (Chibundu, 2017). The bulk of this aid is geared towards socially destructive means and ends anyway, in the form of economic assistance to develop the export platforms of mal-developed countries—to facilitate the export of raw materials, like cheap energy, minerals, beef, specialized vegetables, flowers and pet foods for the American and other Western markets—at the expense of social spending domestically, of course, coupled with military assistance to repress indigenous populations and their (usually) peaceful and (at times) armed resistance (Chibundu, 2017). 

The Chilean Economist Osvaldo Sunkel has put forward the argument (in the context of dependency theory) that ‘foreign factors are seen not as external but intrinsic to the system, with manifold and sometimes hidden or subtle political, financial, economic, technical, and cultural effects inside developing countries (Bovard, 2004). Thus the concept of ‘dependency’ links the post-war evolution of capitalism internationally to the discriminatory nature of the local process of underdevelopment in peripheral countries. Correspondingly, access to the means and benefits of independent development is forcefully and effectively thwarted in the interests of imperial expansion (Chibundu, 2017). Thus, the principle of self-sufficient style of independent development chosen by the Sandinista government in Nicaragua provoked the wrath of the US, since the fear among the US leadership that successful defiance might spread to other pauperized countries was and still is quite pervasive and potent (Bovard, 2004). In other words, “the threat of a good example” in the Third World has always been viewed as a contagious disease that might spread and infect other nations, which in turn would bring an end to American hegemony, specifically, would reduce the dependency of the Third World on the First, thereby endangering the asymmetrical structures under which unfair relations of power and subordination are perpetuated to the detriment of non-elites everywhere. 

Power Theory 

An obvious trend in the way foreign and domestic policies are formed can be seen. The Iran-Contra affair has brought several things to the surface. President Reagan’s administration was the first in which several aspects of a new neo-conservative agenda could so obviously be noticed. However, the foundation for Reagan’s policies was laid earlier, especially after the Second World War. We have seen the overthrow of Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954, and the counterinsurgency in El Salvador and other countries across the globe (Bovard, 2004). Both the Democratic and Republican parties have experienced a shift to the right, which resulted in less opposition to proposals, laws and policies that would have been at least controversial several years earlier (Vaughan, 2017). Although the Bush-doctrine bears the name of President George W. Bush, its fundamentals can were summarized by an article from 1988 Susanne Jonas writes about. The joint article, that was signed by Henry Kissinger and Cyrus Vance stated on the issues of Central America that ‘Preventive diplomacy and preemptive reform can reduce the risks of extremist political infection and radical contamination’ (Bovard, 2004). A direct link can be made to the present day views on foreign policies conducted all over the world in the ‘War on Terrorism’ that has substituted the ‘War on Communism’ (Vaughan, 2017). The neo-conservative ideology needs an elusive ‘enemy’ that can never be destroyed as Carl Schmitt’s theories illustrate. Without it, it would break down and deteriorate, making its existence impossible. The following quote from Simund Freud’s 1929 essay Civilization and its Discontents also shows why the perceived image of an enemy is so important: “it is always possible to bind together a considerable number of people in love, as long as there are other people left over to receive the manifestations of their aggressiveness’ (Vaughan, 2017). The United States has become a security state, investing more than ever in the defense department. This has lead to the development of the biggest and most technically advanced standing army in modern history. 

Several important aspects and characteristics which are presented in the analysis of the Iran-Contra Affair described above, have risen to characterize present day politics in the U.S. once more. First, the role of corporatism in the interventions around the world in was clearly noticeable in the Contra War as well as the cases of Iraq and Afghanistan during the military interventions that are connected to the 21th century ‘War on Terrorism’, where economic agendas of corporate elites seek to exploit energy resources, or make billions of dollars from revenues that derive from the military-industrial complex (Lallinger, 2011). Second, the aggressive foreign policy that is rooted in the neo-con ideologies seems to communicate a message of ‘democratize or we will shoot you’ (Vaughan, 2017). This is the case in Nicaragua, where indirect interventions by external powers (the foremost being the U.S.) attempted to violently overthrow the Sandinista government, as well as in the cases of Iraq and Afghanistan, where the actions lead by the U.S. resemble to some extent crusade like interventions (Lallinger, 2011). Finally, the role militarism plays in both the Reagan-doctrine and the Bush-doctrine. Massive spending on defense communicated by the perceived need for ‘national security’ characterizes both presidents (Vaughan, 2017). The role of the earlier mentioned military-industrial complex has experienced explosive growth, profiting millions and billions of dollars respectively by the wars in Nicaragua (arms sales) and the wars in the Middle East (Lallinger, 2011). 

The methods the Reagan-doctrine used to fulfill its goals were divers. It was based on supporting anti-communist movements around the world using various methods. Some of these methods went so far as to train, organize and supply rebel groups such as the Contras in Nicaragua. The CIA took a major role in implementing this (Lallinger, 2011). Here the goal was to violently overthrow the Sandinista government by ‘causing economic chaos and destabilization, destroying infrastructure, and diverting human resources-“raising the pain level,” and making Nicaragua a negative rather than a positive example of the Third World’. As illustrated earlier other operations were also undertaken in supporting the Mujahedin in Afghanistan, the UNITA in Angola, in Grenada, the Polish and Ethiopian resistance and the military government in El Salvador (Lallinger, 2011). The CIA, under the supervision of Bill Casey took a major role in implementing this. Casey frequently took risks and was said to be making foreign policy on his own without the State Department. This was the reason Schultz, threatened to resign several times. 

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS 

The activities that are usually undertaken by the Executive branch of the American administration usually remain unknown to the public until a major scandal takes place. This has been the primary experience of the events taking place in the post-war world as the numerous administrations tackle the tension with the Soviet Union. As a result, many Americans have little knowledge of the “dark side” of the U.S. foreign policy’s past. The conservatives in particular will identify the Reagan’s Presidency as on that began and ended with the defeat of the Soviet Union following the latter’s collapse in 1991 (Lallinger, 2011). Unfortunately, the US government participated in many actions that do not reflect favorably on the American devotion to uphold human rights. It is these actions that were depicted as an act of terror and disruption of peace in the world. The Reagan administration is not free of these negative ills of racial discrimination as depicted by the crack cocaine epidemic. The news media depicted the involvement of a trio of men who would bring about the rapid rise of the epidemic; Norwin Meneses, Danilo Blandon, and Ricky Donnell “Freeway Rick” Ross (Lallinger, 2011). These three men were all from different lives and came together to achieve a common goal (Lallinger, 2011). Meneses was a drug dealer in Nicaragua, Blandon was previously a member of the Nicaraguan government during the Somoza regime before it was overthrown in 1979, while Freeway Rick was an African American who was determined to avoid the plight of poverty that had affected many members of his community. 

Once the cocaine was trafficked into the US, Los Angeles gangs facilitated the distribution of the drugs to other areas of the countries. . With the discovery of how to transform cocaine into a cheaper form called “crack” during the 1970s, the United States consequently experienced the crack epidemic that lasted through the 1980s. As crack became more pervasive and available, the leaders in US government decided to implement mandatory drug sentences for the possession and distribution of crack cocaine that were significantly harsher than the penalties for the possession of pure cocaine (Beinart, 2010). These laws contributed to the disproportionate incarceration of poor people and minorities, as a form of institutionalized racism, which still affects those communities today (Nunn, 2002). The Regan administration’s “Just say no” campaign was a supposed war on drugs in the United States. It began after the First Lady Nancy Reagan was asked by a school girl what to do if someone offered her drugs to which she responded, “Just Say No”. The program was intended to teach children ways of resisting peer pressure and refraining from experimenting with drugs (Beinart, 2010). However, it really functioned as a front to target poor communities where drugs were rampant. This practice brought about prejudice targeting of African Americans believed to be at the core of illegal drug trafficking and consumption in the low-income neighborhoods (Nunn, 2002). High levels of mass incarceration drastically increased during the Reagan administration despite the fact that the term “War on Drugs” was coined during Nixon’s Presidency (Nunn, 2002). 

The research also unanimously shows that there is a clear connection between the crack cocaine epidemic and the CIA involvement in the Central American state. In this case, when a civil war erupted in 1979 leading to the ejection of the reigning democratic administration in Nicaragua, many of its political and military leaders fled to California for their own safety. Despite the heinous crimes that these individuals had been part of while in their country, the US government approved for their visas and work permits that would allow them to become residents (Ehiemua, 2014). The action of the government enforced by the CIA would be the beginning of a large amount of illegal trafficking of drugs into the country. The Reagan administration had been banned from using any of the CIA’s budget to fund the Contras rebellion. Despite the ban by Congress, the unrelenting determination to ensure that communism does not spread any further led to covert operations by the CIA and senior officials in the National Security Council (Beinart, 2010). The Lebanon hostage crisis between 1982 and 1992 offered an effective route to increasing funds for the covert operation. The majority of the hostages were mainly Americans and Western Europeans. A secret and illegal negotiation by the Reagan Administration was employed where Iran would purchase nearly 2000 missiles from the US without the knowledge of Congress. The earnings of the sale would be funneled to the Contras for training of the rebel group and an increase in power in Nicaragua. 

During the Reagan administration, it is evident that the enforced foreign policy lacked significant concern for the effects it would have on the local citizens. The CIA under the guidance of the president and many of his representatives would support the quest to achieve a democratic society in Nicaragua. Meneses was a known drug dealer in his own country and had been accused of numerous crimes such as murder (Davis, 2012). However, when the Somoza regime was overthrown, the US government provided him a visa and work permit for nearly six years that identified him as a political refugee (Nunn, 2002). These individuals were incorporated as informants to the Reagan administration as they were tasked with the role of ensuring high level of organization in bringing in drugs from Colombia and leaving the distribution of the same into the inner cities of Los Angeles and the rest of American states (Davis, 2012). On the other hand, Freeway Rick an African American who had suffered the drastic effects of racial discrimination in the US society was left blamed for his desire to achieve a better life. He had started off as a small-time peddler in the inner streets to a major distributor as he got acquainted with Meneses and Blandon. By the time the Dark Alliance series was released to the public, he was at the brink of life imprisonment and his fate lay in the hands of his two business partners (Davis, 2012). 

Despite the heinous crimes that these individuals had been part of while in their country, the US government approved for their visas and work permits that would allow them to become residents. The action of the government enforced by the CIA would be the beginning of a large amount of illegal trafficking of drugs into the country. The Reagan administration had been banned from using any of the CIA’s budget to fund the Contras rebellion. As a result, the leaders who had fled from Nicaragua began to organize the transportation and sale of cocaine sourced from Columbia (Lallinger, 2011). The law enforcement agency turned a blind eye to these illegal practices as the profits earned would help fund the foreign policy that had been integral to the Reagan administration. The research shows that the CIA hired the major organizers of the drug trafficking to become informants for intelligence on the cartel leaders in Latin America (Lallinger, 2011). According to the vanguard research conducted by journalist Garry Webb, the US had paid Blandon in excess of $166,000 in the 18 months leading up to the arrest of Freeway Rick. It is a clear indicator that the federal government was more focused on enforcing its foreign policy rather than protecting its citizens from the harm of the addictive drug (Lallinger, 2011). This activity of the government shows its inclination to participate in atrocities against the global population. The events of the Reagan administration shows how the government failed to effectively lead a foreign policy that is safe for all affected parties (Ehiemua, 2014). The one track mind-set of defeating the Soviet Union as the global superpower would derail activities of protecting the rest of the human population. 

The research used in this literature review provides significant evidence of activities undertaken by the US government under the Reagan administration in addressing the concerns of the Nicaragua crisis (Chibundu, 2017). In the available research, it is unanimously agreed that the CIA had a hand in the Nicaraguan Contras Rebellion taking place in the early 1980s. From the onset of the Reagan administration in 1981, the US government through the executive branch had supported the covert and overt operations to assist the rebellion group (Chibundu, 2017). The support would be provided by collaboration between the US and Argentine government where the latter had already deployed military support to the Nicaraguan Contras. The research shows that the CIA did not intend to engage in any armed conflict against the Sandinistas who incorporated semi-communist principles into their political ideology (Chibundu, 2017). The methods the Reagan-doctrine used to fulfill its goals were divers. It was based on supporting anti-communist movements around the world using various methods. Some of these methods went so far as to train, organize and supply rebel groups such as the Contras in Nicaragua. The CIA took a major role in implementing this. Here the goal was to violently overthrow the Sandinista government by ‘causing economic chaos and destabilization, destroying infrastructure, and diverting human resources-“raising the pain level,” and making Nicaragua a negative rather than a positive example of the Third World’. 

CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION 

As Reagan also said—though often overlooked—in his address to the British Parliament: “Our military strength is a prerequisite to peace, but let it be clear we maintain this strength in the hope it will never be used.” It would be up to Casper Weinberger and Colin Powell to clarify how and when that power would be used. They did not want U.S. forces committed unless the national interests of the United States or its allies were in clear jeopardy (Wilson, 2016). However, once the decision to commit U.S. forces is made, they must be guided by clear objectives and given the freedom to achieve them (Wilson, 2016). Under such guiding principles, the Reagan administration went about the revitalization of American power. As a result, the practices of the Reagan administration were intended to emphasize the power of America to the rest of the world. The executive branch took up its forces in the White House and the intelligence agency to categorically ignore the calls by Congress and the public to refrain from taking part in the revolution of Nicaragua. 

While it is evident that the administration did not want a repeat of the Cuba missile crisis, it is not clear how members of the society will be able to stop the government from engaging in similar practices in the future. In this case, the CIA under the guidance and approval of the executive branch of the federal government allowed drug trafficking to take place as a means of funding their ideals in the Central American republic (Ehiemua, 2014). However, the government through multiple subsidiaries of law enforcement agencies would criticize the Black community as an integral cause for the distribution of cocaine and the resulting epidemic in the country. These allegations are falsely stated, but the research findings do not provide an effective means of addressing the concern. The research shows that the US exerts its powers excessively without consideration of the views of its people or the effects it may have on them. In this occurrence the practices of marginalizing a community in the society had the effect of bringing about engagement in the illegal drug trafficking. However, the studies used demonstrate that the members of the Black community were not the primary sellers or peddlers of the drug. The reports show a clear lack of legitimate law enforcement interest in arresting the African Americans at a higher rate than their white counterparts. It is evident that individuals who consume drugs will usually purchase them from individuals of the same race. In this regard, due to the higher numbers of Whites consuming cocaine at the time, it is expected that there is an almost equal number of peddlers of the same race. 

An internal investigation carried out by CIA confirmed that the claims made by Gary Webb were indeed truthful. The findings of the investigations demonstrated the extent ruling governments may go to in an effort to enforce political ideologies. The Reagan Doctrine that was used until the end of the Cold War was a significant measure of rolling back the influence of the Soviet Union (Nunn, 2002). Previous administrations before Reagan took over failed to reduce the tensions between the two countries or put an end to it. The US government at the time is depicted to lack the moral construct expected of a superpower democracy (Nunn, 2002). This is shown by the administration’s eagerness to inflict harm on its own people as it sought to forcefully transfer its political ideologies in the war-stricken Nicaragua. Turning a blind eye to the smuggling of crack cocaine into the country was depicted as a clear lack of concern for the locals. The high levels of unemployment particularly among the unemployed persons in the US neighborhoods meant it was likely they would become addicted (Michaels, 1987). Through the Reagan Doctrine, the illegalization of drug possession in later years would also criminalize the minority groups a form of institutionalized racism. The mainstream news outlets were seen as shameful for their failure to undertake significant measures to ascertain the validity of Webb’s research. Instead, they incorporated large amounts of resources to discredit the author. These major newspapers like LA Times, The Washington Post, and the New York Times are depicted as a disgrace to the modern media. 

Several important aspects and characteristics which are presented in the analysis of the Iran-Contra Affair and the epidemic of cocaine described above, have risen to characterize present day politics in the U.S. once more (Vaughan, 2017). For instance, the role of corporations play in the interventions around the world in was clearly noticeable in the Contra War as well as the cases of Iraq and Afghanistan during the military interventions that are connected to the 21th century ‘War on Terrorism’, where economic agendas of corporate elites seek to exploit energy resources, or make billions of dollars from revenues that derive from the military-industrial complex (Vaughan, 2017). Additionally, during the 1980s, there was a significant surge in for-profit prison centers where individuals provided the government with infrastructures to host the rapid mass incarceration. Such practices were integral to the continued enforcement of institutionalized racism against the minority ethnicities in the society (Vaughan, 2017). The government is depicted to lack a legitimate reason for arresting and jailing the African Americans while there were more members of the white community engaged in the practice (Vaughan, 2017). 

CONCLUSION 

The above research shows the lack of proper adherence to the law by the Reagan administration as it directed the CIA to undertake covert and overt operations to participate in the Nicaraguan Contras Rebellion and led to the subsequent crack cocaine epidemic in the US during the 1980s. During the late 1960s, the United States government had a particular interest in countries that were undergoing civil wars in Latin America. After the Vietnam War, the US government was determined not to “lose” any more territory to Communism. The defeat in Vietnam was a significant indicator that following rules of engagement in ensuring a roll-back of communist governments backed by the Soviets would not be successful. Thus, provision of overt and covert aid was a necessary practice to maintain the American status of superpower. They were eager to support the Contra rebellion against the Nicaraguan communist government. 

The two well known drug dealers, Blandon and Meneses, were able to organize shipments of cocaine from Nicaragua and southern California via airplane drops. CIA supported the Contras with money and weapons to fight a guerrilla war against the current Nicaraguan government in exchange for cocaine. The weapons that the CIA supplied the Contras were a product of an arms deal with Iran. Richard Nixon and Ronald Regan were key presidents in declaring the “war on drugs” however, the US government was simultaneously aware of the dealings between the CIA and the Contras that funneled cocaine into the Los Angeles areas (Nunn, 2002). Through the use of high quality technology and the vast intelligence of the major locations of the different drug trafficking routes, the CIA was able to participate in the practice without critical knowledge from the public. To fully understand the significance of the drug trade and the oppression of African people and other people of color, one must recognize the central role drug trafficking has played in the European conquest of other cultures and the maintenance of white supremacy worldwide (Nunn, 2002). Addictive and deleterious substances have historically been used to undermine non-European societies and further white interests. It is for this reason that major media outlets were up in arms rejecting the views and claims made by Webb in his “Dark Alliance” series. 

The Reagan administration had called for the enforcement of a campaign dubbed the war against drugs. In this declaration, the law enforcement departments were prompted to criminalize any individual who was thought to have taken part in the distribution or consumption of illegally trafficked drugs like cocaine and crack cocaine (Davis, 2012). At the time, crack cocaine, a cheaper version of the powder form, was sold to the inner city population largely formed by the African Americans. On the other hand, the more expensive version was distributed to the richer neighborhoods (Davis, 2012). However, the law enforcement agencies particularly targeted the poorer members of community where possession of as little as five grams of crack cocaine could result in incarceration of the culprit for up to five years (Nunn, 2002). The sentence was similar for individuals who possessed 500 grams of the pure powder. In this practice, the Reagan administration is depicted to have targeted the Black community unfairly (Davis, 2012). 

While Reagan declared that terrorists are those individuals who intentionally kill others particularly the unarmed civilians, usually children and women. He especially admired the Nicaraguan freedom fighters who were determined give their lives to establish respect for human rights, democracy, and lawful governance of the country (Bovard, 2004). Similarly, Secretary of State George Schultz declared in a June 24, 1984, speech that it is not difficult to identify the terrorists from the freedom fighters when taking a closer look at political revolutions across the world (Bovard, 2004). The research clearly shows that the activities of the US government are contrary to its popularized notions of upholding the global human rights. In this practice, the government should be reprimanded significantly by using perpetrators of such actions as examples to the rest of the society. 

References 

Beinart, P. (2010) Think Again: Ronald Reagan . Foreign Policy, Retrieved from http://foreignpolicy.com/2010/06/07/think-again-ronald-reagan/ 

Bovard, J. (2004) Terrorism Debacles in the Reagan Administration . Future of Freedom Foundation, Retrieved from http://www.antiwar.com/orig2/bovard061304.htm 

Chibundu, M. O. (2017). International Law and the Legitimation of External Coercive Measures in Aid of Internal Change. Temp. International & Comp. Law Journal, 31 (1), 123-144. 

Davis, D.R. (2012) The Charisma Of Crack Cocaine: The Impact Of Crack On Black America, 1984-2010 . Michigan State University, African American and African Studies, (45-79). 

Ehiemua, S. (2014) Drug and alcohol: An epidemic in America. European Journal of Research in Medical Sciences, 2 (2), 1-12. 

Lallinger, S. (2011). Madison, Hamilton, and Reagan: The Limits of Executive Power in Foreign Policy and the Reagan Intervention in Nicaragua . University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations. 1324, Retrieved from http://scholarworks.uno.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2308&context=td 

Michaels, P. S. (1987) Lawless Intervention: United States Foreign Policy in El Salvador and Nicaragua. Boston College Third World Law Journal, 7 (2), 223-262. 

Nunn, K. B. (2002). Race, crime and the pool of surplus criminality: or why the war on drugs was a war on blacks. J. Gender Race & Just., 6 , 381-445. 

Stephen, K., Dibba, M., Njikam, A., Farina, A., & Hagos, M. (2008) The Contra-Sandinista War: 1981-90 A Case Study in Narco-Terrorism . Retrieved from http://www.lovefreedomorquestionwhoyouare.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/09/The-Contra-Sandinista-War.pdf 

Vaughan, D. (2017) Dark Shadows: Iran-Contra, Secret Wars & Covert Operations, Part 2 . Who What Why, retrieved from https://whowhatwhy.org/2017/01/25/dark-shadows-iran-contra-secret-wars-covert-operations-part-2/ 

Wilson, A. W. (2016) Conflict Beyond Borders: The International Dimensions of Nicaragua's Violent Twentieth Century, 1909-1990 . University of Nebraska-Lincoln, Retrieved from http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1087&context=historydiss