Analyzing the Aum Shinrikyo and the Galleanists as unique organizations, the most vital aspect is the ideology behind their motivation. This provided the purpose for their actions and the willingness to continue, albeit the negativity associated with the groups’ actions. The AUM group derived its ideology from a religious reasoning of apocalyptic destruction while the Galleanists found their purpose in the rebellion of capitalistic ventures. These two different and distinctive ideologies provided the leadership with the control that ensured its members remained loyal and submissive.
Within the AUM group, religion and its promissory purpose of eternal glory allowed the leaders to recruit and advance its activities without any form of resistance within its ranks. The power of religion lies in the inclinations that it creates in providing an appealing way of thought that justifies a way of living, different from the general understanding. This allowed the AUM leaders’ message to appeal to many people, especially in a world where the interaction between the nations with strong military capability was inviting an apocalyptic end to Japan ( Olson, 1999) . The leadership understood that religion, a faith-based construct that does not require evidential justification of its action, would appeal to the many who were seeking a purposeful following that allowed them to be part of an eternal role. Religion is a worldwide system that allowed the leaders to find followers wherever they went, and by employing Buddhism, Christianity, Shamanism, Hinduism, and New Age Belief systems, they ensured a global following ( Briant, 2015) .
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In contrast, the Galleanists relied on economic dysfunction to create an explanation for a widespread poverty problem. Knowing too well that the global economic situation was doing poorly as a result of widespread political upheavals, the leadership appealed to many by blaming the wealthy for their situation ( Simon, 2008) . In doing this, the Galleanists leaders knew that their followers would act in the belief that they were correcting a social ill. The poor state of the world economy ensured that the leadership, wherever they were, would appeal to any person who felt economically marginalized, whereas some capitalists groups were doing well.
Religion provided the AUM group with the firepower to run propaganda messages through seminars that indoctrinated the members to a belief that encouraged violent tendencies. To ensure that the message was spread far and wide, the leadership packaged the cult’s message as one of transfigurative revelation, creating a desire that allowed their videotapes, books, paraphernalia, and magazines to be desired ( McCauley, 2006) . The leadership also used violence and intimidation to create a following within a population that saw the group as being a better alternative to gangs like the Yakuza. The leadership relied on its financial investments to create purpose among its followers as a legitimate group, with the charisma of its leaders appealing to youth ( Olson, 1999) .
In contrast, the Galleanists benefited from their leader Luigi Galleani oratory skill that help win the group many followers. His skills as an orator, a writer, and a debater endeared many people to his message and his ideas of what a normal society should be. His message and that of his followers struck a code with immigrants who were being paid poorly after working long hours ( Simon, 2008) . This provided a social understanding that allowed for the group’s message to spread and appeal to many people. Both the AUM and Galleanist groups used violence as an effective tool for propaganda; with the Galleanists advocating for violence as the only way through which the systems in power can ‘react’ to poor economic conditions and the AUM as the pathway to glory. Both groups also used the press to advance their message by engaging in violent acts that forced the media to discuss them and their goals.
References
Briant, E. L. (2015). Anglo-American relations in the counter-terrorism propaganda war. Propaganda and Counter-Terrorism . doi: 10.7765/9781847799630.00010
McCauley, C. (2006). Psychological Issues in Understanding Terrorism and the Response to Terrorism. Psychology of Terrorism , 13–31. doi: 10.1093/med: psych/9780195172492.003.0002
Olson, K. B. (1999). Aum Shinrikyo: Once and Future Threat? Emerging Infectious Diseases , 5 (4), 413–416. doi: 10.3201/eid0504.990409
Simon, J. D. (2008). The Forgotten Terrorists: Lessons from the History of Terrorism. Terrorism and Political Violence , 20 (2), 195–214. doi: 10.1080/09546550801907599
