1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
An unprecedented and enormous growth in economy has been witnessed dating back two hundred years ago irrespective of the indicator used in the measurement (North, 2012). Equally, tremendous economic transition has been witnessed in the last few decades traversing the four corners of the globe. Major economic transformation has affected the nature of work relationship between employee and the employer both in the standard and non-standard forms of employment relationship ( Arnold and Bongiovi, 2013). Historically, trade unions have been active in protecting the interest of their members even in such hurdles. This has mainly been through bargaining which eventually turn to be fruitful or not. Labor unions have had to indulge in politics to attain some level of control
The evolution of industrial relations under the umbrella of trade unions is captured under the approach of historical-institutionalist with globalization placed in perspective. With dawn of democracy, Hamann (2012) asserts that “historical sequencing of institutional reforms in the political and industrial relations arenas holds significant and long-lasting consequences for the nature of unions and labor relations. By understanding unions as political actors, the history of unionism and industrial relations institutions is more easily accommodated than looking at unions as industrial actors alone.”
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1.2 Statement of the Problem
In the past two decades globalization had resulted in delinking the relationship between social democratic political parties and national labor movements. Since the political pertinence of unions have been undermined by globalization, additional conservative and independent policies have been chased by social democratic parties. Labor Unions have expressed extreme sensitivity to legal context of industrial relations and have recurrently been compelled into politics to access fundamental freedom. This is so despite their preferred approach of advocating or bargaining for favorable terms in the labor market. Union relations, radicalism and reformism have been shaped markedly based on the degree of repression or tolerance expressed by different States. Variability in the orientation of individual unions politically is a substantive issue.
A decline in unions has been noted in developed democracies. This has been attributed to unpleasant political, economic and institutional atmosphere. Yet in Spain the contrary is evident in spite of these harsh conditions. It is indeed clear from the above that survival of labor union in the current politics is the strongest affirmative action than ever. In order to achieve anything, simple interactions have to be scrapped off to pave way for a comprehensive collective bargaining power to take preeminence.
1.3 Purpose of Study
This study aims to gain a substantial insight on labor unions in politics in relation to their survival in the future world of industrial relation. Given the stated purpose, this study will apply explarotary approach since little is known about the survival of labor union into the future. Also no evidence is available on how issues surrounding labor in politics have been solved. The objective of this research would be to gain familiarity with issues surrounding labor in politics and how they can survive in the future.
1.4 Research Questions
The following research questions to be sought in the study through exploration and investigation:
To examine the extent to which degree of repression or tolerance expressed by different States have shaped labor union relations
To evaluate the survivability of labor union in politics into the future.
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
Evidences pertaining to the evolution of labor movements in the 19 th or early 20 th century indicates that labor unions have created a robust platform for workers to express their interest in the society. Notably, the political parties have in deed been the chief instrumental player in the state political arena as far as labor is concerned. But trade unions have had independent and crucial roles even in all these. Historically Anglo-American societies is the best illustration of these roles where labor unions preceded the creation of labor parties. They consisted of enormous percentage of workforce and even shaped the nature of “working-class political parties.” The Labor party was established by unions in Britain which immediately dominated it; just like it was spoken by Ernest Bevin, “the Labor party has grown out of the bowel of the Trade Union Congress” (Marks, 2014 p1)
It was until the end of 19 th century that The American Federation of labor entered national politics. Nevertheless, couple of most powerful and largest affiliates were already involved vibrantly in politics locally and at state level. The vigor within the unions obliged the socialists in United States to make impossible decision such as reforming union by joining them or establishing completely new movements as a finality.
A great variability was evident in the union political activity. Acknowledgement is made to business unionism and the “revolutionary syndicalist Industrial Workers” in United States; “handloom weavers organization” in Britain; and unions formed by “printers and cigarworkers” in Germany for their orientation to unionism as opposed to socialism. In US the power of the union has drastically eroded, particularly under the administration of Reagan. An emerging trend that has detrimental effect on union is decentralization of labor management relations. Decline in union has been seen to be caused by disregard to collective bargaining in Germany with upholding of work council, three-way negotiation in Sweden, eruption of company union in Britain, and management offensives in the U.S.
The resolve of a trade union was then immune to state reforms. It was them embedded into institutions including the decentralized workplace and not merely applicable in dependent or favorable laws of labor relations. However, collective bargaining power have dwindled to the deepest level recently, a negative implication of state reforms on the affairs of trade union (Gumbrell-McCormick and Hyman, 2013).
3.0 MATERIAL AND METHODOLOGY
Acquisition of information for deducing conclusions about the labor in politics and how they can survive into the future will be based on an already chosen methodology.
3.2 Data Collection
Specific to this research so as to achieve the set objectives data will be collected and managed appropriately. This will necessitate the use of both primary and secondary sources of data. Secondary data will be utilized to build on the background and literature review sections. This will aid the reader to comprehend the issue at hand and being able to connect the secondary information with the outcomes of this research. Collection of primary data will be dependent on conducted interviews that well-structured administered to relevant respondents
Significance of Research
It is intended that the findings of this research project will be used local and regional authorities to assess and evaluate the current participation of labor union in politics. These findings could be used for correction of the current involvement of labor unions in politics.
References
Arnold, D., & Bongiovi, J. R. (2013). Precarious, informalizing, and flexible work: Transforming concepts and understandings. American Behavioral Scientist , 57 (3), 289-308.
Gumbrell-McCormick, R., & Hyman, R. (2013). Trade unions in Western Europe: hard times, hard choices . Oxford University Press.
Hamann, K. (2012). The politics of industrial relations: labor unions in Spain . Routledge.
Marks, G. W. (2014). Unions in politics: Britain, Germany, and the United States in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries . Princeton University Press.
North, D. C. (2012). Understanding the process of economic change. In Worlds of Capitalism (pp. 107-120). Routledge.
