PRI is a political party in Mexico formed in 1929 by the dominant group of political institutions. The party virtually encompassed all Mexican politics since its candidate's nomination to any public office was nearly tantamount to elections. During its formation, it faced a great conflict with the Roman Catholics and the disputing United States. The party picked powerfully for seven corrupt decades but lost in 2000. The paper explains why Francisco Labastida, the PRI's presidential candidate, was defeated in 2000. Moreover, the paper describes PRI's ability to come back to win back power in 2012 effectively.
Although the party received enthusiastic support from large population segments, the opposition eventually developed ways of uncovering PRI hidden corruption. For instance, the party was shaken in 1970 when students began the studies on its all-time victory, causing them to suppress and accuse the party of rigging elections in the past. The student protests were confirmed during the elections that occurred later in the 1980s and 1990s. Besides, the monopolistic party faced a serious challenge in 1970 when the opposition parties won several seats in the house of Mexico's legislature (Flores-Macías, 2018). Although the party sustained the majority group, it continued to lose more congressional seats as time went by. The process of losing monopolistic power did threaten the hidden critics of the party and offered a chance for the opposition to concede in elections.
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In 1988, the first senate race was conceded by four opposition seats out of the sixty-four seats. At this time, PRI's candidate, Carlos Gortari, won with the narrowest margin, arousing the opposition's allegations about the party's resorted fraud to maintain the presidency. Gortari reformed the electoral procedures and dismissed several opposition groups, causing the party's dissidents to campaign for greater intraparty democracy to remove absolute power from the few elites in the PRI. In 1989, the party lost its first gubernatorial election in Baja, California. Eventually, non-PRI governors took over several states, and in 1997, Mexico City was captured by a non-PRI mayor. At this time, the Roman Catholic Church was granted its legal recognition status, which had been stripped off in 1917. In 1999, Zedillo, the PRI's president, broke the tradition of nominating the successor leading to the first presidential primary uncovering the fraudulent critics. Hence, the party lost.
The debate on PRI comeback obscures the fundamental truth. The party never left; though it lost its presidency, it still reins in more than two thousand cities and towns and could therefore come back. In addition, the long-standing reach enhances the feel of its presence in the Mexican village for the later years, creating the twelve-year rebuilding foundation. Nevertheless, the time-dishonor displayed by PRI during its rule had given a long-lasting wound for the Mexicans, or at least the party needed time-honored recruitment to return to the politics. Thus, twelve years of recruiting mechanisms were non-staple (Flores-Macías & Worldwide, 2018). PRI's attempts to recruit candidates from within the states rather than importing them from other states was highly opposed and spitted, and that was a spelling disaster for the party's candidates.
In conclusion, the Institutional Revolutionary Party's fraudulent critics lasted for long, giving them seventy years of corrupt presidency. However, enthusiastic students sought to dig more about the party's political mechanisms, uncovering the long-lasted fraud. In addition, some opposition parties won seats and gubernatorial elections, breaking the monopolistic leadership of PRI. Some party leaders developed greed over time, causing the first presidential primary, which made them lose the presidency in 2000. The rebuilding project to return to the presidency could not get through for twelve-year recruitment since their lengthy corrupt ruling could be easily erased from the Mexicans.
References
Flores-Macías, G. A. (2018). Mexico's PRI. Life after Dictatorship: Authoritarian successor parties worldwide , 257-283.
Flores-Macías, G. A., & Worldwide, A. S. P. (2018). Mexico's PRI: the resilience of an authoritarian successor party and its consequences for democracy'. http://flores-macias.government.cornell.edu/pdfs/FloresMacias%20_%20Explaining%20PRI%20Resilience%20_%20website%20version%2015%20July%202017.pdf
