Israel Relationship with Arab States

Introduction 

The relationship between Israel and Arab states has often been informed based on separate fronts. At one point, the two different states experienced a strained relationship based on several aspects of religious, socio-economic and political grounds. It is only until recent years that Israel and Arab nations have been able to have few common interests between them and be able to cooperate successfully on a number of deliberate critical issues such as sharing of natural resources, security, and energy. In the first ever Saudi interview in 2016, Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot said that the Jewish state was ready to share intelligence with the Gulf kingdom in a joint effort to curb Iranian influence in the region. He confirmed that they are ready to share experience and information with Arab nations if it is necessary as there are many mutual interests. However, we must examine their relationships in a wider historical view.

An Arab and Israel conflict refers to the disputes, military conflicts and political tension between Israel and most Arab countries. Root causes of the conflicts have been the rise of Arabian nationalism and land disputes. Territory regarded by the Jewish as their ancestral land is at the same time being considered by Palestine as their property historically. This is very much affected by religious beliefs and their different views on the “chosen people” in regard to the “promised land” of Jerusalem. Israel’s according to the Bible claims that the land was a promise to them the descendants of Abraham and on the other hand the Arabs also claim as per to the Quran that Jerusalem was a promised land to them as the descendants of Ishmael.

On 11th May 1949, Israel did join with the United Nations. It maintained diplomatic ties with approximately 159 countries from March 2017. Israel continued to open its borders two of Arab neighbors, Jordan and Egypt. That happened after signing peace treaties in 1994 and 1979 respectively. The close friendship of Israel and the Arab States has been in the linchpin of Israel foreign policy for decades. Iran and Israel have often maintained close ties from the time of the establishment of the Israel States in 1948 unto the time of Iranian Revolution and the eventual fall of the Pahlavi dynasty in 1979. Iran became the second Muslim majority country to officially recognize Israel as a sovereign country after Turkey. During the 20th century, Israel ran elaborate foreign aid and educational programs across Africa and further sent experts in water management, healthcare, and agriculture. 

The relationship between Israel and the Arab nations has been marked with lots of anecdotal issues. That has been marked by events such as wars that strain their relationship. Some of the wars are unfounded and based on an inconsiderate view of one side of the divide. 

Contemporary Events 

According to Aron (2018), t he relationship between Israel and Arab states has gone through a series of stages until recently. There have been relentless efforts by various organizations to ensure conflicts resolution between Israel and Arab states.

One such organization is US Institute of Peace has worked tirelessly from the early 1990s to ensure that conflicts are resolved amicably. It has worked around the clock to reduce any chances of an eruption of war by embracing dialogue and proper analysis of any security concern especially between the Israeli and the Palestinians. This has been enhanced by societal and institutional cooperation between Israel and Arab states promoting eventual success in having a peace agreement ( Aron, 2018). Some of the efforts that the organization has invested in promoting peaceful coexistence between these two nations are outlined as follows:

Organizing Experts and Informing Policy

This involves bringing together experts from Israel, Palestine, the Middle East and Europe. They come together to develop strategies and coming up with analysis and recommendations. Aron (2018) mentioned that t his work included the bipartisan Senior Working Group on Middle East Peace that was led by former National Security Advisors Stephen Hadley and Samuel Berger giving direction to the continuing policy advice to United States administrations as from the year 2009 and 2014.

Cohen (2016) reiterated that a nother way of promoting peaceful coexistence was led by a team called The Study Group involved on the Arab-Israeli pact of peace-creating a set of best practices on diplomacy for America and published in: Negotiating Arab-Israeli Peace and The Peace Puzzle: America’s Quest for Arab-Israeli Peace 1989–2011.

Enhancing Security and Rule of Law on the Ground

This was implemented by various partnerships with United States government representative, a variety of local leaders, the body working on reduction of violence through expansion of the reach of rule of law as well ensuring security currently and in the near future for the region ( Cohen, 2016) . A good example is in working together with Office of the Quartet where the United States Institute for Peace clearly developed an easier way that the police could be able to get into the West Bank thus allowing one of the largest expansion of the Palestinian police movement in that region in 15 years’ time. Due to that cooperation, the number of Palestinians in West Bank with no access to the police went down by a staggering ninety seven percent.

Cohen (2016) further emphasized that t o achieve the required level of expertise the United States Institute for Peace ensured there was a close working relationship with senior Palestinian and Israeli security authorities together with United States Security Coordinator to enhance coordination and mobilization on police coverage. This becomes very crucial boosting security for both Israelis and Palestinians. This leads to the promotion of the rule of law that greatly leads to the development of the economy of Palestine as well as increasing confidence and trust between the groups of Israelis and Palestinians.

United States Institute for peace financed a special program aiming to improve relations and communications among Israel’s Arab minority communities and Israeli police promoting a spirit of unity even times of war. The program was finally included in the training curriculum by the police to educate on cooperation and unity ( Cohen, 2016) . 

Reduction and Prevention of Community Violence through Religious Engagement

Arguably, Cohen (2016) said that religious engagement is aimed at involving the religious leaders to convince their followers to tolerate people with the different religious outlook from them. This is necessary as most of the time religious leaders are not given a say on matters pertaining to conflict resolution 

United States Institute for Peace works tirelessly to ensure conflict resolution and search for peace receives output from the religious leaders exhaustively by enhancing cooperation among Israeli and Palestinian religious leaders. It finances the training and works encouraging the spirit of cooperation between government officials, leaders of different faiths, the police who ensures there is minimal or violence by creating a model for collaboration aimed at protecting holy sites as well as the visitors who frequent there.

Enhancing Practice to Increase Impact

This is the coming together of different bodies, the United States, international governments who have worked close to two decades to oversee unity, cooperation, and trust between Palestinians and Israelis.

The United States Institute for peace carries out its evaluation of the work of its local partners as well as an assessment of the peace building efforts at the Israel and Palestine border.

It carries out a comprehensive comparative study of all dialogue projects it is funding touching on the conflict between Israel and Palestine ( Aron, 2018). 

President Trump’s recent visit to the Middle East—Riyadh, Jerusalem

The positive outcome of the trip, as well as the willingness of the parties involved to show goodwill for the attainment of peace, gives a chance. Since President Donald Trump is a very respected by many leaders across the world, there is no doubt that the leaders from Israel and Palestine will grant him a chance to arrive at a cease-fire. This calls for Trump to his best to bring the two nations together without which will be impossible in some years to come.

President Donald Trump administration faces serious challenges since Israel and Palestine's leaders hold parallel on many things such as the ancestral land with the Israeli believing it was given to them by God as stated in the Bible while Palestine having the view it was given to them as descendants of Ishmael as stated by the Quran ( Aron, 2018). 

Political and Military Relations

Landau (2015) confirmed that the relationship between Israel and Arab states is also influenced by both political and military operations. The hope of Israel improving its relationship with Arab states captivates the mind for peace-loving individuals who wish for a breakthrough to be achieved. As years go by the interests set by Arab leaders are seen to be aligning with Israel’s. The attitude of some Arab leaders is seen to be changing towards Israel. There is a great hope by the Arab states for Palestine to arrive at a deal with Israel that will please both parties. However for Israel to achieve normalization of its ties with the Arab states, their relationship with Palestine still remains to be a big challenge that leaders from Israel cannot overlook ( Landau, 2015) .

Landau (2015) further argued that s ince Israel has not achieved much in their previous negotiations with the Palestinians or hope for such in the future, the focus of many people in Israel is now shifting to having good relationships with the other Arab countries. Leaders such as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and even opposition leaders such as Yair Lapid and Isaac Herzog believe that having common interests between Israel and the region’s Sunni Arab could provide a basis for Arab-Israeli normalization and adding greatly to progress on the prolonged Israeli-Palestine conflict with a goal to also containing Iran. Israeli Prime Minister believes that after several attempts by his nation to t have good political relations with Palestine to no avail, he can achieve it better by cooperating with other Arab nations.

Aron (2018) alluded that President Trump’s administration also seems to favor the approach of direct association with other Arab states for peace negotiations with the hope of using their position in convincing h the Palestinians to accept pact on Middle East peace. The chances of an agreement being achieved are clearly seen when he flew directly arrived in Israel directly from Riyadh after a May 2017 summit there with many Muslim leaders where he said that he was deeply encouraged by the meetings they had together. He went ahead and stressed that Saudi Arabia’s King Salman also wished to see a peaceful coexistence between Israelis and Palestinians. He maintained that the Arabs were having a common goal in face of the emerging threat posed by Iran.

Al Jazeera has reported the possibility of including Israel as a business partner with Saudis as a breakthrough in the Middle East. Someone called Khalil Shaheen who is an analyst in Ramallah is quoted as saying that decrease the United States Power in the Middle East made Israel fill in the gaps that the United States foreign policy used to fill. That statement majorly concerned the Iranian threat. Riyadh and Abu Dhabi had a feeling that the United States had not assisted them enough in negotiating for Iran deal in 2015. This gave room to Israel becoming a potential partner to the Arab states ( Landau, 2015). This led to exchange in various areas including technical expertise among other common interests. This drove Saudi Arabia to play a greater part in peacebuilding since the proposal made in 2002. As part of the deal, Israel was to withdraw f totally from the West Bank and east Jerusalem for the agreement to be achieved.

It is noticed that the enemies Israel shares with Riyadh and the United Arab Emirates are many. Islamist extremism and constant wars are really feared by both Israel and the Arab states. Again both Israel and the Arab states oppose the actions by Iran as well as its allies and Hezbollah in Lebanon ( Landau, 2015) . Both have closeness to Washington that acts as a common ally. The recent Organization of Islamic Cooperation emergency summit in Istanbul clearly demonstrated that Saudi Arabia has chosen a totally different path in the Middle East, contrary to previous ones. The leaders of Saudi Arabia, UAE and Egypt did not attend a meeting that was organized by Erdogan who went ahead and invited King Abdullah of Jordan and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas to Istanbul together with other renown Muslim heads of state.

Coincidentally, Cohen (2016) also mentioned that at that time Israel had also already made friends and influenced people in the Gulf and Saudi Arabia. It had also had significant issues in Jordan and Turkey. After an Israeli security guard was involved in an altercation and shot two people in Jordan in July, the Israeli ambassador was withdrawn. Reports indicated one of them had attacked him. Israel’s ambassador to Egypt has kept a low profile.

Change of priorities in the new geopolitical realities

There has been a big shift in the Middle East due to the increase of the Islamic states majorly coming from countries like Libya, Iraq, Syria, Yemen and many others. For instance, Saudi is fighting for dominion over Iran engaging in war through an ally which is Yemen and putting up a fight on Tehran’s nuclear goals as well as regional supremacy. Sinai in Egypt is also entangled with serious battle and long war against the ISIS and is worried by the organization’s operation within Libya to the area near its border ( Landau, 2015). 

To the Arab world, ISIS poses to be the greatest threat even more than the Palestinian. Another big source of threat proved to the non-Salafist extreme from the Muslim Brotherhood that was founded in Egypt but currently financed by Turkey. The Arab states are discouraged by their own infighting that they have been unable to solve. An example is the Hamas and Fatah conflict that has never been solved up to date.

Economic and Trade relations 

In the past years, a conceivable shift has been realized between Israel and the Arab States. The scope of the common interests between the two nations has widened and as such, they find themselves in successful cooperation on several strategically significant issues for instance security, energy and the sharing of the natural resources. 

On the economic front, more opportunities continue to spring up as the relationship is strengthened. Possibly, the Arab States will attain high gains in the brokerage of trade pacts and energy deals with Israel. Also, foreign investment will be boosted following between these countries Smooha, S. (2017). In 2016, for instance, Israel did sign a gas deal worth $10 billion with Jordan, and at the same time, it will ship 1.6 trillion cubic feet of gas emanating from one of its gas fields across the Mediterranean. In November 2017 a delegated team of Israel’s Tamar gas field was in Cairo to deliberate on the possibilities of gas imports into Egypt. 

Smooha (2017) argued that through the lens of a pragmatic Arab world, Israel has slowly transformed itself from the position of “problem” to a center of solution providers to the region’s several crises. The initial signs that the Sunni countries were keenly shifting their look towards Israel were demonstrated during the 2011 Arab Springs. At that time, voices started the call for the revitalization of a regional initiative for the normalization of relations with Israel ( Aron, 2018). Later, Israel started placing feelers via secret channels to perform an assessment of Arab willingness to begin a conversation on the subject area. During that season, measures for building confidence were proposed for instance Israeli flights over the Gulf States and thus opening up of the economic relations. In 2013, the prime minister of Qatar at that time, Hamad bin Jassim al-Thani did an announcement at a delegate meeting that he had refined his position on the return to the 1967 lines. He noted that it possible to encompasses a comparable and mutually agreed swap of the land that stood as a unity threat among the Arab states. 

There has been great clandestine that arouses fear amongst the Arabs, through which a specter of Israeli economic takeover is greatly rising (Smooha, 2017). Such a concern resulted from the huge misunderstanding of the result on the economy of international trade and visualizing economic relations amongst countries as a zero-sum game, in which a profit to one side can only be achieved at the cost of an another side’s loss. 

The quantitative estimate of clandestine between Israeli and Arab states remains murky. Pieces of the report often surface of shipment of specific products to Arabian Peninsula destinations. Likewise, Israeli goods could be found in faraway Arab countries. Such kind of anecdotal evidence is often difficult to collaborate ( Layish, 2017) .

Political realities between the two countries often strain both direct and indirect trade among the nations. Nonetheless, both direct and indirect trade still takes place between the Arab States and Israeli. Border running is one of most obvious of the stealthy bootlegging. That is particularly not easy for the Israeli nation based on the heavy security accorded at the land and sea borders ( Layish, 2017) . Whatever level of smuggling tends to incline into Israel and comprises majorly drugs and minuscule quantities of hugely taxed items, for instance, liquor, cigarettes, and electronic appliances. 

With smuggling across land borders having been virtually excluded, a single significant alternative conduit for Israeli-Arab trade was predominantly through third-party intermediaries. Such levels of direct trade take place in five major forms and include offshore intermediaries, onshore intermediaries, Maghrib, and distant enter pots. An offshore intermediary offers the simplest ways through rerouting, in which goods are potentially relabeled, repacked and readdressed to conceal the actual provenance. If such a rerouting is not to become unduly costly, the trade has to take place in free enterprise zones or some other installations in which the transactions are seen conducted offshore (Smooha, 2017). Routing entails an invariable deviation from the simplest or shortest route between the ultimate buyer and the original seller. Thus, there exists a great attraction to possessing such a rerouting occurring to Israel and its Arab destinations. 

Trade can also take place on the form of onshore intermediaries. Rerouting, in this case, can possibly occur in a totally different course. It can take place after the goods are cleared by the customs department. That, however, has a series of problems (Smooha, 2017). 

Squarely, the access of Israeli to the Arab markets springs forth from ruse than from trade globalization. Accessibility of market for many components for instance printed circuits, computer chips, oil and chemicals which are global is assured in the Arab states. The products are substituted for other products in the manufacturing of the final product (Smooha, 2017).

Trade data occasionally fail to support the presence of substantial clandestine trade between Israel and the Arab nations. Lots of rumors often originate from a misreading of trade statistics from Israeli. The insignificance of the earlier clandestine Israel exports to Arab countries is no show of trade in the future. In real essence, what thing that was not profitable, if not unfeasible and state of hostilities is maintained could ardently become advantageous following normalization. Major pieces of research fail to come up with high estimates of potential Israel-Arab trade since their economies are greatly incomparable. Israel firms can ostensibly make deals at individual levels with the Arab nations and make a sale on their goods and services. Normalization is crucial for the nations to ensure a suitable environment for doing business ( Layish, 2017) .

Cultural and Academic Events

The Israeli and the Arab states have rich cultures and are also diverse in many dimensions. Israel as a Jewish state purposefully gives legal and institutional preference to its majority who are Jewish by religion in consideration to the laws of immigration laws as well as its state symbols. Those factors cause a lot of conflict and tensions among the Palestinian-Arab minority and the Jewish majority ( Layish, 2017) . This friction is demonstrated in various aspects of the relationship existing between Israel and Palestine. 

Israel also emerges to be a democratic state as well as a modern nation-state at the center of a region with dictatorial Arab systems. What defeats logic is Israel’s Arab citizens, who despite their religious differences are much better off than their brothers in surrounding Arab countries. In Israel, the Palestinians’ diverse identity, as well as communal cultural rights, is greatly respected ( Layish, 2017) . They do boast of political freedom as they profit from Israel’s all-inclusive social welfare system, democratic norms as well as economic progress. This explains why even at the heat of battle and tensions on the national level, the majority of Arabs and Jews in Israel coexist in peace. 

Israel and its Arab Minority 

After the 1948 conflict, the majority of Palestinian Arabs living in the region that is now called Israel left the country to be refugees in various Arab nations. It is noted that only a dismal number of 156,000 Arabs stayed under Israel’s control. Due to high birth rates, the Arab minority in Israel increased seven times ( Fawcett, 2016) . 

The Arab citizens of Israel have settled in isolated towns, villages and neighborhoods in three main regions namely south in the northeast Negev, North in the Galilee and in the Little Triangle in the center of Israel ( Pappe, 2018) . They also live in small groups in large Jewish populated cities like Acre, Haifa, Karmiel, Jaffa (Yaffo), Lidda (Lod) and Ramla. 

These Israeli Arabs as they are widely known are mainly Muslim making approximately eighty-two percent of the population. They are also additional Israeli Arabs that comprise of two smaller Arab groups of Christians and Druze covering approximately nine percent of the minority population. After the 1948 War, the Arabs who remained in Israel were economically and politically weak, socially split and lacking leadership (Smooha, 2017). 

From the minority, the Arabs in Israel increased in number empowering themselves as a national minority with a different political agenda from that of the Jewish majority and with a unique vision of its own future ( Pappe, 2018) . 

Security as a Political Factor 

( Pappe, 2018) mentioned that there arose serious doubts about the loyalty of the Israeli Arabs especially after the politically motivated settlements of the Jewish Israeli in 1948. There was an assumption that there could be collaboration between Israeli Arabs and hostile parties outside Israel in times of war. Moreover, since most Arabs in Israel resided in isolated regions as their choice interests Israel dreaded the development of a hostile movement among its Arab inhabitants ( Fawcett, 2016).  Consequently, after Israel’s victory in the 1948 War, many Palestinian refugees came from the neighboring countries causing a serious threat to the security and sovereignty of Israel. Various Arabs came back to live in their previous villages and even harvest the crops they abandoned during the battle ( Layish, 2017) . However, others with ill-motives crossed over the border to steal and kill with Israeli Jews being the target. This resulted in the implementation of the military rule in the main areas where the Arabs lived. This eventually lasted a decade. The Israeli government did the supervision controlling the Arab population. 

Because of fear disobedience from the Israeli Arabs, the government excluded the Arab population from Israel’s compulsory military service. Apart from the physical threat from the Israeli Arabs, Israel saw that national security also included looking down upon the Jewish religion by the Israeli Arabs ( Pappe, 2018) .

Lack of academic collaboration

According to research, it has been found out that the rights of various Palestine have been infringed by Israel flouting of UN resolutions and its inability to apply the internal law in its dealings.

The alarm on this violation was given in 2002 with a call for researchers from Europe to stop working together with Israeli academic institutions through the Framework Program until Israel made the effort to foster for lasting peace ( Fawcett, 2016). 

The agreement was signed by many academics from various parts of the world that sent an appreciation email to the signatories. After that notably during Israel’s invasion of Gaza, the academic boycott formed part of the emerging movements of citizens who have shown despair of international institutions and governments to take control of Israel.

Some people aligned to Israel feel that the boycott is unnecessary with them being uneasy stating that such a step would interfere with academic freedom. Those championing for the boycott view of academic freedom as very crucial but not ready to prioritize it over human rights ( MacDonald, 2015) .

First, the boycott is done with a view of supporting the Palestine colleagues whose academic liberty has been injured by the Israelis authority. Second, it is carried out due to the breaching of many global agreements on human rights by several Israeli academicians and institutions and their failure to identify that the academic freedom of their Palestinian colleagues is under infringement. Finally, the boycott demands for the Israeli to search and foster peace ( Saunders, 2015). 

Countries that do not recognize Israel and Arab League Boycott of Israel

Fawcett (2016) defined the Arab League boycott of Israel as a systematic strategy that was assumed by the league of Arabs and the member states to boycott economic relations between Israel and Arab states. Specifically, it terminated all trades with Israel and that made an addition to the country’s military and economic strength. Later, the secondary boycott was put into action that leads to the boycott of non-Israel corporations that did business with Israel. Finally, a tertiary boycott came into place that entailed the blacklisting of business entities that carry out business with other corporations that perform business with Israel. 

There are sixteen nations that have no place for Israeli passports. The countries do not basically recognize Israel. The countries include Bangladesh, Iran, Algeria, Iraq, Lebanon, Kuwait, Oman, Brunei, Malaysia, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Syria, Sudan, Yemen and the United Arab Emirates ( Fawcett, 2016).   

The conflict between Israel and the Arabs 

The Arab nations have a representation of twenty-one different countries with a single Jewish country, Israel (see map below). The Arab world combined is 650 fold much greater as compared to Israel. It equally has a population of 50 times higher in comparison to Israel. The Arab nations have initiated four wars against Israel; 1973 Yom Kippur War, 1967 Six Day War, 1956 Sinai War and 1948 War of Independence. Each time of war, Israel defended itself and won. At the end of every war, Israel withdrew their armies especially from the regions that were captured. Such unprecedented moves showed a country that is interested in peace dealings and effectual coexistence amongst neighbors ( MacDonald, 2015).   

Map: Maps of Israel (red) and Arab countries (green). It is noteworthy that Israel resembles a tiny island in a sea of Arab Nations. 

One of the major causes of conflict is on the fight over Jerusalem. Jerusalem has often been the Jewish capital since time immemorial. At no time has Jerusalem been a capital for the Muslim or Arab entity. Another cause of conflict is between Arab and Jewish refugees. The Arab leaders in Israel planned a cold war against Israel to have their land returned. Also, there have been constant fights over the Jewish holy places where they were denied access to the worship arenas ( MacDonald, 2015) . 

Countries that recognize Israel

Israel is seen to have diplomatic relations with sub-Saharan Africa. The countries that recognize Israel include; Angola, Cameroon, Djibouti, Eritrea among other nations ( MacDonald, 2015) . 

Conclusion

It can censoriously be realized that Israel and Arab nations alike have gone through turbulent times in the past. The series of wars were founded on religious, political, land, and socio-economic grounds. That informed the strained relationship between the Arab world and Israel. In the event of war, Israel always retracted at the end of the war. That is a great manifestation that Israel is a peace-loving country with high heights of nationalism. Direct and indirect trade takes place between these nations through the exchange is strained. The Arab league world boycott of Israel further strained the relationship. Israel comes out to be a democratic state as well as a modern nation-state at the center of a region with dictatorial Arab systems. Al Jazeera should have the possibility of including Israel as a business partner with Saudis as a breakthrough in the Middle East. Peaceful negotiations still remain the best way to negotiate the unity pacts between Israel and Arab nations that do not recognize Israel. The countries should work together to deliver a viable political and socio-economic zone. The quantifiable estimate of clandestine between Israeli and Arab states remains murky with pieces of report often surfacing the shipment of specific products to Arabian Peninsula destinations. Likewise, Israeli goods could be found in faraway Arab countries. Such kind of anecdotal evidence is often difficult to collaborate. United States Institute is also doing a commendable job in its Peace works to ensure conflict resolution and search for peace receives output from the religious leaders exhaustively by enhancing cooperation among Israeli and Palestinian religious leaders. Further, the US is instrumental in financing the training and works encouraging the spirit of cooperation between government officials, leaders of different faiths, the police who ensures there is minimal or violence by creating a model for collaboration aimed at protecting holy sites as well as the visitors who frequent there. Peace remains a core factor to be achieved for cohesive existence. 

References

Aron, R. (2018).  De Gaulle, Israel and the Jews . Routledge.

Cohen, A. (2016). The relationship between multiple commitments and organizational citizenship behavior in Arab and Jewish culture.  Journal of Vocational behavior ,  69 (1), 105-118. Contemporary Family Therapy December 1995, Volume 17, Issue 4 , pp 429–447

Fawcett, L. (2016).  International relations of the Middle East . Oxford University Press.

Landau, J. M. (2015).  The Arabs in Israel: A political study . Routledge.

Layish, A. (2017).  Women and Islamic law in a non-Muslim state: A study based on decisions of the Shari'a courts in Israel . Routledge.

MacDonald, R. W. (2015).  The League of Arab States: A Study in Dynamics of Regional Organization . Princeton University Press.

Pappe, I. (2018).  Israel . Routledge.

Saunders, H. H. (2015).  The other walls . Princeton University Press.

Smooha, S. (2017). Index of Arab-Jewish Relations in Israel 2006 . Haifa: Haifa University.