The article looks into the fate of democracy in China by addressing the case of incarcerated rebel Liu Xiaobo and his Nobel Peace Prize-winning manifesto (Charter 08). The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) attacked Liu by having him imprisoned at an undisclosed location before being tried and found guilty of subverting the state. This paper will look into the bounds of human rights discourse at the age of globalization while also showing how China can realize a democratic breakthrough when the time comes.
When looking at the case of Liu and Charter 08, it is evident that there exists a limit on human rights discourse in this age of globalization. Liu was a prolific author, former professor, and prominent activist who had decided to call for human rights and democracy in his country ( Hartnett, 2013 ). The document was meant to be released on the 10 th of December 2008, but unfortunately, Liu was arrested two days before unveiling the manifesto for the Chinese public. Liu was held in an undisclosed location and later arraigned in court, found guilty, and sentenced to eleven years ( Hartnett, 2013 ). The Charter remains one of the most controversial documents to emerge from China. The Charter’s contents appropriated the United Nations Declaration of human rights and the U.S constitution and declaration of independence ( Hartnett, 2013 ). These contents went against everything held sacred and true to the CCP. Liu had tried to demand what he believed the Chinese citizens needed but had ended up vexing the ruling party. Through globalization, his document gained fame as people and various relevant organizations learned about it. The document circulated showing how globalization can be threatening yet promising depending on the audience ( Hartnett, 2013 ). The CPP and its supporters saw this as a form of rebellion against the country, thus threatening them. In contrast, it was seen as a promise to international bodies and non-governmental organizations pushing for the establishment of human rights and democracy in the country. Unfortunately, even as these organizations found what Liu was going through to be an injustice, there was not much they could do. Liu was awarded a Nobel Peace Prize for Charter 08, which was then perceived as a declaration of war to Chinese sovereignty ( Hartnett, 2013 ). The CPP saw this as an attack because he had already been found guilty of subverting the state, yet he was being acknowledged for the same reason behind him being reprimanded.
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The author notes that China would need both the CPP and democracy advocates to realize a democratic breakthrough. While both sides of the democracy debate are adamant on their beliefs, it is prudent for them to find a middle ground if they want to realize democracy in the country ( Hartnett, 2013 ). The author believes that China is fast approaching a democratic breakthrough. The country will have to choose between giving into the global pressures of enhanced democratic practices and human rights or preserving the existing national arrangements ( Hartnett, 2013 ). In this instance, the author explains that the government will have to work with the democracy advocates to create a nation with a grand vision. If the CPP wants to showcase its “great-power” status, its supporters and members will have to put aside their differences and work together to realize transparent and representative governance. While the CPP needs the democracy advocates for their vision, the advocates must also realize they need the party as it has immense institutional apparatus that will help them realize democracy ( Hartnett, 2013 ). History is filled with evidence of fractured nations that descended into chaos after totalitarian leaders left. Therefore, the democracy advocates need the party to prevent chaos and facilitate stability, which will help them govern with competence. The party may even use Liu’s manifesto as a guiding rubric for realizing democracy and human rights in the country.
Reference
Hartnett, S. J. (2013). To “dance with lost souls”: Liu Xiaobo, Charter 08, and the contested rhetorics of democracy and human rights in China. Rhetoric & Public Affairs , 16 (2), 223-274. sci-hub.se/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.16.2.0223
