Trump is the strongest among the Republicans who are less educated, less affluent and not likely to vote. His best voters are self-identified Republicans who however are registered as Democrats. Mr. Trump’s great benefit of these groups is a challenge for his campaign since it may not bring out the numbers required to mobilize irregular voters (Cassleman, 2017). It was a huge challenge for the Republican Party since it has retained its competitiveness regardless of losing among the young non-white voters and by adding white and older voters. These achievements aided the party to retake the Senate, the House and many state governments ( Huang et al. , 2016) . Mr. Trump had broad support in all major demographic groups. He led among the Republican women and individuals in well-educated and affluent regions. However, Mr. Trump’s lead was not same among all the groups across the country (Cassleman, 2017).
His support was based on a clear geographic arrangement. He got support from the region starting from the Gulf Coast up to the New York. However, Mr. Trump’s backing is strong in similar regions which don’t show that majority of his supporters are inspired by racial animus, but there is a possibility that at least some are. The area where racial animus is highest tends to have less educated, and older people and Mr. Trump fares better in these groups. In most of these areas, huge supporters of traditionally Democratic voters have for a long time supported Republicans in electing a president (Coates, 2017). Even today, Democrats registered voters are more than Republicans in states like Kentucky and West Virginia that have simply been carried by Republicans in all presidential race of this century. A few years ago, Democrats had a huge benefit in partisan self-identification in those states. Trump enhanced rearrangement in the electorate around racism, through numerous diverse measures of racial animus which helped him win. By contrast, individual economic distress benefited Trump in a small way (Coates, 2017).
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The American political structure is organizing so that racial liberalism and economic progressivism are brought in the Democratic Party, and racial and economic conservatism are brought in the Republican Party (Coates, 2017). Racial outlooks towards immigration and blacks are the main factors contributing to Trump’s support. Both black influence animosity and racial resentment are important aspects of Trump support between the white respondents, independent of partisanship, education levels, ideology and some other factors. The probability of Trump support was above 60 percent for an otherwise usual white voter who scores at the top levels of anti-black influence animosity or anti-black racial hatred (Coates, 2017). This is compared to the less than 30 percent chance for a usual white voter who is below average to scores on one of the two measures of anti-black attitudes. There is about a 10 percent probability of a Mr. Trump support for a usual white voter at the last levels of racial resentment. The outcome of immigration outlooks for white people is even much stronger than anti-black attitudes (Coates, 2017).
This was about 80 percent probability of otherwise average white individual voting for Trump with the greatest anti-immigrant attitudes as compared to the less than 20 percent for a white individual with the greatest pro-immigrant attitudes. The size of the effects of immigration attitudes, racial resentment, and black influence animosity can be compared to the effect of the partisan identification. The probability changes of a Trump vote for a white person who has a maximum of the last levels of racial animus is comparable to alteration of their party identification from Republican to Democratic (Griffin and Teixeira, 2017). Also, the economic hazard was not an important factor of voting for Trump. The probability of Trump vote of an average white person didn’t change irrespective of whether they experienced low or high levels of economic uncertainty.
Besides the lack of economic anxiety outcome between white people, the black respondents were less likely to vote for Trump since their economic peril levels increased. Actually, the economic peril was the major factor that had the strongest highest impact on the possibility of supporting Donald Trump among the average black persons. Republicans had significantly low economic anxiety levels as compared to Independents and Democrats, and there were no substantial differences in economic peril among the voters (Casselman, 2017).
In conclusion, the United States presidential elections have always been done based on racial and ethnic disparities which have been a huge factor in the determination of the elected president. President Donald Trump, a man who didn’t have the support of the political elites in the United States, with no military background or political experience, was able to ascend to the presidency. Most of his voters and supporters were driven by both the social and economic issues such as health and education. This has presented a shift in the United States politics an example that people from other countries might be able to borrow from. The electorates were more concerned about the real issues that were affecting them such as health care, education and economic issues that they were willing to put aside their racial differences for the common good of the country.
References
Coates, T. (2017, October). The First White President . The Atlantic. Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2017/10/the-first-white-president-ta-nehisi-coates/537909/ .
Huag, J., & Jacoby, S. (2016, November 8). Election 2016: Exit Polls . The New York Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2016/11/08/us/politics/election-exit-polls.html .
Griffin, R., & Teixeria, R. (2017, June). The Story of Trump's Appeal: A Portrait of Trump Voters . Voter Study Group. Retrieved from https://www.voterstudygroup.org/publications/2016-elections/story-of-trumps-appeal .
Cassleman, B. (2017, January 9). Stop Saying Trump’s Win Had Nothing to Do with Economics . FiveThirtyEight. Retrieved from https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/stop-saying-trumps-win-had-nothing-to-do-with-economics/
