The relationship between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China (PRC) is engaged in a stand-off over trade, military, and politics. These factors have affected other sectors such as finance, technology, and education, stretching thin the long-standing diplomatic relationship of over forty years—the two countries lead in terms of their economies, military budgets, and carbon footprint. The pair are principal members of the United Nations security council and were each other's most significant trading associates. The United States is a superpower country dwindling from its thrown, unlike the Soviet Union that fell fast. This decline of power might be ushering new dawn for the competition from countries like China and India (Suisheng, 2016).
The United States Relation to China as China Rises in Relative Power
It is now time for the once superpower nation to recognize the changes and strategize on its significant pillars, such as economy, military adjustments, and diplomacy. In the three decades of China's rise, the U.S. wanted to shape China to be a responsible stakeholder. The U.S. must now mobilize its remaining power, resources, and wealth to deal with PRC, assertively throwing its weight and ideology in the international arena.
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The U.S. policy's main aim was to contain the rise of PRC's in the 1990s and early 2000s by creating a counterbalance and redeployed military assets into East Asia to curb China's hostility. The U.S. recently sent its Navy (The freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS)) into East Asia with its latest and the most advanced technology to contain PRC. The U.S. has taken other measures to strengthen relations with other countries, such as Thailand, Vietnam, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and India, to promote defense collaboration. All these efforts by the U.S. are to suppress China's continuous growth, delay Chinese revisionism, and finally retain its thrown as the superpower country (Bader, 2016).
After WW2, the U.S. was in an excellent position to develop the rules and agencies that profoundly affected creating a new world order. These rules and institutions benefited the allies of the U.S. post-world war and formed a new order. The U.S. seeks to derail China's rapid growth by forming partnerships with ASEAN nations, Japan, and Australia, closely aligned with the U.S. in technology, defense, and telecommunication. Unlike South Korea, that seems to be swayed into the free and open Indo-pacific.
Basic Policy the U.S. Follows in Dealing with China and Neighboring States
There are three extensive dealings for the U.S. to respond to the China problem: accommodation, containment, confrontation, and global cooperation. Containment has the goal of dominating the Western Pacific and its periphery by expelling the U.S. military or marginalizing them or destroying the ties with the East Asia allies. Therefore, the U.S. is forced to marshal its political, army, and economic muscle to prevent China from becoming the dominant power while maintaining U.S. domination by aligning itself with the East Asia countries to retain Western Pacific. Containment should be used by the U.S if it has the upper hand in the military and generally feels it can strong-arm China and use engagement when it feels it is economically overpowered.
The first policy is the vigorous promotion of China's Economic growth, that looks to benefit the U.S. public finance by offering cheap initial capital from China's substantial foreign reserves. It acts indifferent to the sharp decline or closure of entire industrial sectors since China provides cheap goods. The U.S. treasury is mostly concerned about having access to cheap imported commodities and raw materials that increases the standard of living in the U.S. without increasing salaries and reduced the cost of doing business. The U.S. treasury is not concerned with the American manufacturing sector or specific industrial sectors. The treasury views sectors as poorly-paying and is not affected due to poor working conditions.
The second policy comprises The State Department, which challenged China vigorously and was previously chaired by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. The state understands the importance of collaboration from the Chinese government. It can also be critical of the Chinese government to determine their participation in prudent mannerisms, such as China's increased activism promoting anti-democratic agendas. For example, when the Chinese co-sponsored the Pakistani government to use media propaganda to protect the government's interests while violating the freedom of speech and expression. Another good example is the financing of the dictators Robert Mugabe's School of Intelligence, a rogue regime that oppressed Zimbabwe's citizens ( Luttwak, 2012) .
Another reaction from the U.S. state department was the expansion pressure against China over the two islands taken from Laos, Thailand, and Cambodia by implying their making of dams from the river Mekong. The islands' dispute forced the Chinese government to resolve ASEAN members' issues multilaterally as one group instead of bilaterally between China and other small countries achieved in 2010 in the "Code of Conduct."
Containment or Even Confrontational Policy
Containment is a form of the cold war which either side should be prepared for. America sees containment as a doable application to derailing China's progress to be a superpower by empowering East Asan countries. Containment is a U.S. government's policy to achieve speedily and persuasive reassurance of China's neighbors (East Asian allies). By 2030 China will be the crucial driver of economic activity in Asia and worldwide, threatening South East Asian countries' stability. The relationship between the U.S. and China is of great essence for strategic stability in the Asia-Pacific region. Especially Taiwan is a problematic country that can cause misunderstandings, so all parties will have to work hard to ensure peaceful negotiations. These negotiations are meant to have the Asian giant country explain its military capabilities, advancements, and plans to every nation involved. Australia is concerned by this growth of power by China. In response, it has made significant investments in long-range military capabilities and, more recently, building the right alliances with the U.S. and ASEAN states since China feels entitled to take Taiwan by force of arms even though it would be illegal (Takashi, 2020).
Hence, these countries can seek help from the U.S., whether under treaty or not. The U.S. risks retaliation from the Chinese government in terms of economic tariffs on imported and exported goods. This stand-off was experienced in 2016 when the U.S. added taxes to imported goods from China. The U.S. government's action might have challenged the lively hoods of small and medium-scale Chinese businesses who sought other alternatives. China would consequently cut the line of credit to the U.S. since China is America's largest lenders.
China is an influential country in spreading intense propaganda disregarded by most middle-class citizens and most college students and graduates. The advantage of this propaganda is that it is too strong for the population to want a revolution to overthrow the communist party. The U.S. cannot be relied on by Vietnam on security from the Chinese despite territorial conflicts. China is just too strong economically, and Vietnam is slowly becoming reliant on China for its economic nourishment. Instead, Vietnam diversifies its security by using other channels such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement between Russia, India, and Japan. Another country that aligns itself with both the U.S. and China is Thailand.
China offers a substantial economic presence just to be ignored, especially now that Thailand does not have territorial conflicts with China. Improvements in standards of living are too much of a significant deal for the countries to ignore. Whether democratic or authoritarian governments, both have gained economic legitimacy in the ASEAN countries' areas to make external policies. Some states would join a revolt against China, but if they get economic help from China, it can be bullied not to engage in any U.S.'s alignment. Neighboring states like Hong Kong do not want to be assimilated by China, making massive plans to let it be part of China. Such a country would join an anti-China coalition lead by the U.S. since it is fighting and holding protests not to be part of China come 2034. Also, Taiwan would revolt to reject China's assimilation ( Mendis , 2020).
Accommodative and Pacific Engagement Policy
In that case, this will show a sign of defeat from the U.S. government conceding to the Chinese as the potential new superpower. It is believed that the Chinese influence would be significant in the Western Pacific, which would strengthen China's interests in the national unification of Taiwan and the physical features in the South China Sea. Therefore, the U.S. stance will signify the U.S. allies' weakness that sees diminishing numbers of U.S. basing, patrols, and military presence. The U.S. government will be left contemplating global and domestic priorities or maintaining military dominance in the Western Pacific. The U.S. will not receive any line of credit from the Chinese government, plus they would have to revive most of their dead factories from the money recovered from the West Pacific.
The Western Pacific is a crucial part of the U.S. containment plan since it protects the East Asian countries from China's bullying, especially Taiwan's and Hong Kong's unification. The Chinese military will grow if they land Western Pacific in the absence of the U.S. Hence, the result would be an admission of defeat for the U.S. as a superpower or could be used as a sign of faith Chinese acknowledge them as equals. The U.S. economy would grow since their finances used to support the Western Pacific Activities and allies would stimulate the economy and be independent of China's products. The East Asian States would be bullied to join China with a preached vision of the future in the world domination plan by the Communist party. These countries will be promised the prosperity of the growing project of the Belt and Road Initiative that will build infrastructure to connect all those countries for trade purposes as a front to hide their true intentions. Most smaller ASEAN nations are trying to align themselves with both the U.S. to maintain their political risks and independence from China's rule and China, attempting to gain economically from Chinas vast wealth and transition of becoming the new superpower.
Recently the Chinese exerted their assertiveness by taking the Spratly Islands and the Parcel Islands, which, according to Australia, is illegal and is inconsistent with the U.N. Convention on the law of Sea. The Chinese's actions are being challenged by the U.S., Australia, and other East Asian countries as they seek to actively have the right to navigate the South China Sea freely. Furthermore, these actions in the South China Sea are more of an effect of Sino-Americans tension than a geopolitical struggle for the rich fishing grounds and energy reserves. The Chinese move to the islands allows them to set up their military assets and use it to operate and use its advantage to approach and absorb Taiwan as part of China. The assertiveness of taking the Spratly Islands and the Parcel Islands indicated three things:
To acquire full access to the South China Sea resources, which accounted for over 12 percent of all the fish caught worldwide in 2015, more than 52 percent of the Sea's fishing vessels operate.
All-access of the area would see China virtually seal off the water body by vetoing strategic possessions coming through the Malacca Strait. An indication of Chinese supremacy over the Sea area gives PRC power to strong-arm diplomacy to control every country's tactical movement of resources in the region.
The move was used to indicate how much power and China's willingness to seize Taiwan and eject the U.S. influence in the area.
References
Bader, J. A. (2016, October 10). A framework for U.S. policy toward China . Brookings; Brookings. https://www.brookings.edu/research/a-framework-for-u-s-policy-toward-china-2/
Luttwak, E. N. (2012). The rise of China vs. the logic of strategy . Harvard University Press.
Mendis, P. (2020, August 7). South China Sea: ‘alliance of democracies’ ready to counter Beijing aggression . South China Morning Post; South China Morning Post. https://www.scmp.com/comment/opinion/article/3096328/south-china-sea-alliance-democracies-ready-counter-beijing
Suisheng, Z. (2016). China as a Rising Power versus the US-led World Order. Rising Powers Quarterly , 1 (1), 13–21. https://risingpowersproject.com/quarterly/china-as-a-rising-power-versus-the-us-led-world-order/
Takashi, S. (2020, August 11). COVID-19 will shake ASEAN relations with China and US for years ahead . Nikkei Asia; Nikkei Asia. https://asia.nikkei.com/Opinion/COVID-19-will-shake-ASEAN-relations-with-China-and-US-for-years-ahead
