20 Jun 2022

408

Missing and Murdered Indigenous Native American Women

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Academic level: College

Paper type: Term Paper

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Pages: 10

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Indigenous women and girls around the United States are intensely vulnerable to violence so much that murder is the third leading cause of death in Native American women. Native girls are exposed to increased risk of sexual assault and murder due to lack of protection from the dominant culture and inaction from the government. Families have continued reporting missing cases of their daughters, mothers, wives, and aunts without any substantial interventions from the responsible federal agencies. Congress has low representation levels of women from native communities with only two Native American women. The plight of missing and murdered women in native communities are underrepresented and often ignored in mainstream politics. Native American women will experience violence more frequently at the hands of non-native men and thereafter receive little to no intervention services (Indian Law, 2019). Data shows that four out of five indigenous women have experienced violence within their lifetime and were 1.7 times more likely to face violent crimes within the year of 2019 (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Indigenous women live in fear of victimization and murder because of racism and sexism stereotypes, negative portrayals on social media, inhibited tribal responses and government inaction.

Broader issues are at play in the issue of missing and murdered Native American women. Heinous acts conducted by non-native individuals on indigenous women are racially motivated. Murder and fear of assault prevails as the greatest fear among Native American women. Perpetrators of assaults often go for indigenous women due to notions that the Native American community is weak (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). The government has evidently contributed to such ideologies through underrepresentation of Native American women in Congress. Offenders are encouraged to victimize Native American women since they are less likely to face the repercussions of the law compared to offending a white woman (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). A history of racial marginalization is a prime factor in the high rates of missing American Indian women. Indigenous women live in a world that assumes they are alcoholics, sex workers, drug users and traffickers and unemployed individuals (Moeke-Pickering et al., 2018). American society fails to elevate the perception of a native woman by reducing her into a failure of Indian minority groups (Moeke-Pickering et al., 2018). Indigenous women lack channels of highlighting their struggles, forcing them into an existence in which they have to accept the marginalized role that the society has imposed on them.

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The national institute of justice estimates that about 56% of women are survivors of sexual assault (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). In all rape cases occurring in native communities, 54% are before the age of twelve (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Indigenous women are subjected to sexism from a very young age. As a result, 50% of sex traffickers in the United States are Native women (Isaacs & Young, 2019). Homicide is the leading cause of death among Native American women between the age of 10 and 24 (Isaacs & Young, 2019). Sexist perceptions from non-native men have encouraged attacks on indigenous women (Isaacs & Young, 2019). Inadequate awareness on adverse effects of sexism among indigenous women has left the issue unaddressed. Sexism makes it seem that women of color are more assailable by offenders (Isaacs & Young, 2019). Native American women are purposely attacked because their culture is portrayed to be submissive to the dominant white culture. Native American occupies the lowest socioeconomic class in the US making them more susceptible to violence compared to other groups (Isaacs & Young, 2019). Women in native communities lack resources, empowerment, and other social problems associated with poverty (Isaacs & Young, 2019). As such, most cases involving missing indigenous women are dismissed as authorities fail to identify them as high priority (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Police and federal agencies prioritize their efforts in white communities at the expense of Native American women.

Social media portrayal of Native American women has facilitated negative racial and gender ideologies. Researchers from the Laurentian University in Canada have identified subversive texts referring to Native American sexuality perpetuating increased violent behaviors against Indian women (Moeke-Pickering et al., 2018). Similar to other citizens, indigenous peoples also have mobile phones through which they can access social media. People are exposed to dehumanizing information on Indian women on a daily basis (Moeke-Pickering et al., 2018). A majority of individuals can attest that they have logged onto sites such as Twitter and read newspapers, which deliver a negative comment on indigenous people. Native women are depicted as prostitutes, street people, and addicts in the media (Moeke-Pickering et al., 2018). Negative stereotypes have found their way into the minds of non-native individuals with ill intentions towards such women (Moeke-Pickering et al., 2018). Families of missing and murdered aboriginal women complain that the media fails to pay adequate attention to cases involving native communities (Moeke-Pickering et al., 2018). Instead, they prioritize on increasing coverage of indigenous women criticisms. Social media makes it seem as if, aboriginal women deserve to be victimized and treated as sex objects (Moeke-Pickering et al., 2018). Indigenous women Serial killers such as John Martin have failed to gain as much coverage as killers in white communities (Moeke-Pickering et al., 2018). Social media and mainstream media have a role to play in spreading awareness to the American people on issues affecting other members of their society (Moeke-Pickering et al., 2018). Sites such as twitter have to regulate and eliminate negative stereotypes on Native American women.

Native tribes and select members have are taking charge on missing and murdered women by implementing their own responses. Currently, the US department of justice reports that only 116 cases of missing American Indians and Alaska Native women have been reported, despite the Urban Indian Health Institute reporting about 5712 reports after a thorough survey on affected families and local authority data (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). The considerable gap in logged cases indicates the government’s failures in addressing the issue (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Furthermore, federal policies limit the ability of native law enforcement in overseeing that abusers, rapists, and murders are brought to justice. In 2011, Brunner’s daughter, a member if the Anishinaabe community in Minnesota was raped and almost killed by unknown assailants in a black SUV (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). It took local law enforcement more than one month to complete a simple forensic report (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Many non-native perpetrators of murders and rape, gain entry into reserves and commit despicable crimes knowing that law enforcement can do nothing about it (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). For more than 35 years, US law has denied Indian nations criminal authority over non-natives who reportedly commit 96% of all violence against Indian women (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Local law enforcement is required to report to the FBI once they apprehend individuals accused of committing sexual assault.

Women who are subjected to violence in native communities should not be treated any different from other women outside reservations (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Over the past decade, there has been an increase in the activists groups established by women to advocate for the rights of their compatriots (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Examples include the “metoo” and “timesup” movements (Moeke-Pickering et al., 2018). Feminist ideologies are bridging many gaps in provision of justice often overlooked by the government. The REDress movement is an initiative started by Jamie Black, an indigenous woman and Metis multidisciplinary artist, as an attempt to provide a platform through which native women issues could be addressed (Bolen, 2019). Supporters have donated more than 400 dresses to represent the missing cases reported in Winnipeg, Canada (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Movements such as REDress have provided a safe space for families to grieve their missing and murdered (Bolen, 2019). With exemplary examples in Jamie Black, women are gaining more courage to talk about their fears of victimization, lack of resolution and their stories of loss (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Feminist movements discussing violence against native women are shining a broad light on a topic that has intentionally been underrepresented (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Women who have faced sexual assault can confide in people who understand their issues and begin their journey towards justice. Tribal responses educate native and non-natives on human rights violation and processes of averting the situation.

It is imperative to understand what the government has been doing to alleviate the missing and murder cases in Native American women. Thousands of bodies belonging to victims of sexual assault and murder in morgues remain unidentified (Schulz, 2015). Sexual violence and missing and murder rates are higher in native communities than in any their marginalized groups (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). In late February 2019, the department of justice (DOI) and bureau of Indian affairs formed a partnership to address data management, tracking and funding in tribal law enforcement (Schulz, 2015). Prior to the agreement, the government has been subjected to increased criticisms for imposing restrictive policies on native law enforcement (Schulz, 2015). The 1994 violence against women act failed in addressing acts of violence directed towards indigenous women (Indian Law, 2019). It was reauthorized in 2013 to give more jurisdictions to native tribes over domestic violence cases (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). The reauthorized VAWA act has been another failure because tribal law enforcement cannot prosecute non-native suspects (Schulz, 2015). A proposed 2019 reauthorization suggested that native tribes should receive further jurisdiction (Indian Law, 2019). It was rejected in the Senate. The federal government has tried to limit the power of Native law enforcement (Indian Law, 2019). Repression from congress increases risk levels of indigenous women suffering sexual assaults from non-native assailants (Indian Law, 2019). Non-indigenous perpetrators feel a sense of safety from the law encouraging attacks on Native American women.

The national missing and unidentified persons systems (NamUs) offers law enforcement agencies, medical examinations and victim advocates for resolving missing person cases (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Details of missing persons and unidentified persons are recorded in the NamUs. Medical examiners upload details of unidentified dead persons on the database for other people to identify through a variety of criteria (Schulz, 2015). The potential of NamUs is often wasted when required to solve missing and murdered Native American women cases. Neglect, lack of will and indifference leads to many medical examiners and local authorities hindering the identification of missing indigenous persons (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). They do not apply the same efforts and interventions used for missing persons in the dominant white community. NamUs faces challenges with its delivery of services to the public (Schulz, 2015). Many citizens have complained of the confusing web interface that is not intuitive and often difficult to interact with. The FBI is protective of the information found in the NamUs database and inhibits the recovery process for families looking for their missing or murdered relatives (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Changes on the NamUs interface could potentially reinforce the identification process for missing persons because it involves medical examiners and not local authorities who often underrate missing and murdered cases of Native American women.

Cases involving missing and murdered indigenous Native American women face a variety of challenges that prevent effective delivery of justice (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). There is significant underreporting of missing indigenous women (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). UHIU indicates that only 116 of 5712 cases have been reported to the national crime information center (NCIC) (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). In UHIU collection of data in Alaska, they encountered issues while accessing law enforcement data (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Requests for data through the department of public safety website failed. The department indicated that the case was not under city jurisdiction (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Law enforcement purposefully prevents the distribution and recovery of data from missing and murdered indigenous women. Racial misclassification impedes the identification of Native people (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). In most of history, “N” has been used to identify Negro and native communities. Missing persons in both groups are classified under one letter leading to a misrepresentation of the actual numbers (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Therefore, the government currently does not have any reliable data on how many indigenous women have been missing (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Lack of information inhibits formation of interventions since government agencies are working with wrong data. Native tribes do not have access to the NCIC, meaning that families with missing female relatives never know if they were registered into the system (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Native American families are required to fill out missing person forms as whites due to racial stereotypes.

Families, relatives, and friends of missing and murdered indigenous women face adverse effects when dealing with the loss (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Ramifications of disappearance of a community member fall on the individual (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). The UIHI has identified that there were 506 cases of missing and murdered American Indian and Alaska women in 71 cities (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). From the total figure, 128 were reported to be missing persons, 280 were murder cases and 98 were unknown (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Indigenous women have to live in fear and caution of all non-native men they encounter (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Assailants often perpetrate sexual assault crimes and thereafter murder the victim to prevent reports to the authorities (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Unsolved cases have left thousands of offenders out there in the world who are still carrying out heinous acts with full knowledge that little action is taken by the government (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Women who survive such cases encounter profound psychological trauma. Native communities are reporting increasing cases of PTSD, suicide, depression and substance abuse disorders attributed to experiences of violence and rape crimes (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). A growing number of psychologists are offering their services in traditional communities by integrating modern interventions with native healing (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Families left without information about the whereabouts of their female relative may endure trauma related disorders (Lucchesi & Echo-Hawk, 2019). Native people have thrived under the cohesive nature of their communities facilitating better grieving environments.

While federal governments have introduced new changes to promote accountability, more interventions are required to create a fully integrated society without racial disparities (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). The government should prioritize on collection of accurate national data on the missing and murdered indigenous women (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Restoration of tribal government jurisdiction is imperative to protect the people they serve (Indian Law, 2019). The current Supreme Court decisions undermine the ability of Indian communities to arrest and prosecute kidnappers, rapists, and murders who are non-Indian (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). The gathering of Native Americans (GONA) must be allocated more funding to facilitate recovery and identification of missing persons (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). NamUs interface should be revised in a way that all citizens can understand the information displayed and easily identify their relatives (Schulz, 2015). It is crucial that federal agencies develop protocol guidelines for responding to missing indigenous women cases (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). FBI must be required to actively log in all Indian affiliated cases and make the process of accessing information easier (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). The government should impose strict measures to control negative perceptions in social media sites such as Twitter (Bleir & Zoledziowski, 2018). Mainstream media must adhere to their obligation of delivering true unbiased news to the American people.

Women from native communities live in fear of victimization and murder because of racism and sexism stereotypes, negative portrayals on social media, inhibited tribal responses and government inaction. In Paula Allen’s book, the Sacred Hoop, the author indicates that as long as the Cheyenne have lived, no other people are broken until the hearts of their women are on the ground. Native American communities lay pride in their women and the role they play in the continuity of future generations. Allowing rampant murders and assaults on Indian women go against the human rights accorded to every American citizen. For decades, non-native men have been allowed to commit heinous crimes against women in native communities without strict implications. Every citizen’s life has value, including Native Americans. As such, the government must ensure that their cultural heritage and respect is preserved by preventing adverse outcomes such as psychological trauma, rape, and murder.

References

Bleir, G., & Zoledziowski, A. (2018, August 27). Murdered And Missing Native American Women Challenge Police And Courts . The Center for Public Integrity . Retrieved April 29, 2020, from https://publicintegrity.org/politics/murdered-and-missing-native-american-women-challenge-police-and-courts/ 

Bolen, A. (2019). A Place for the Taken: The REDress Project Gives a Voice to Missing Indigenous Women. American Indian, 20(1). https://www.americanindianmagazine.org/story/redress-project 

Indian Law. (2019). Ending Violence Against Native Women. Indian Law Resource Center . https://indianlaw.org/issue/ending-violence-against-native-women 

Isaacs, D., & Young, A. (2019). Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women (MMIW): Bringing Awareness through the Power of Student Activism. Journal of Indigenous Research , 7(1), 1-7. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/kicjir/ 

Lucchesi, A., & Echo-Hawk, A. (2019). Missing And Murdered Indigenous Women & Girls: A snapshot of data from 71 urban cities in the United States. Urban Indian Health Institute , 1-32. http://www.uihi.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Missing-and-Murdered-Indigenous-Women-and-Girls-Report.pdf 

Moeke-Pickering, T., Cote-Meek, S., & Pegoraro, A. (2018). Understanding the ways missing and murdered Indigenous women are framed and handled by social media users. Media International Australia , 169(1), 53-64. https://doi.org/10.1177/1329878X18803730 

Schulz, G. W. (2015, September 2). Left for dead: How America fails the missing and unidentified. Reveal . Retrieved April 29, 2020, from https://www.revealnews.org/article/leftfordead/ 

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StudyBounty. (2023, September 15). Missing and Murdered Indigenous Native American Women.
https://studybounty.com/missing-and-murdered-indigenous-native-american-women-term-paper

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