Of the recent past, precisely by 2014, the number of immigrants making their way into the United States of America from Mexico skyrocketed rather drastically. It is important to observe at this point that most of these immigrants are not Mexicans, but the Hondurans, the Guatemalans, and other Central Americans. This paper will focus more on the Hondurans migrating into America through the Southern part of Mexico into Texas, US, and why it is crucial to develop stricter policies to regulate this flow of humans into America. As of 2014, the issue of Hondurans illegally making their way into America was such a significant concern for both the United States and Mexico that the two states had to partner up to develop policies. The United States of America ended up outsourcing finances to Mexico to help intensify the security at the Southern border, and build the border wall.
To understand the reason why this policy may not be as effective as was anticipated, and why it has faced numerous challenges so far, it is critical to understand the nature of the immigration by the Hondurans. The primary factor for these immigrations is violence (Orrenius & Coronado, 2017) . The immigrants are faced with such issues as death threats, tribal clashes, and political instability, all of which scream abuse. It is essential, therefore, to come up with better policies such as an assimilation system, which will go a long way in not only providing a home for the immigrants but also a culture that will teach them better social values which can be used in the long run to end the violence in Honduras (Fitzgerald, 2017) . However, in as much as Mexico may do its best to create this kind of an environment, the overflowing number of immigrants questions the ability of Mexico to support these individuals, given the overcrowding being experienced as the main challenge.
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Another challenge that Mexico faces is the increasing numbers of Mexican migrants returning home from America, as well as, the Central Americans seeking asylum and safe passage through Mexico. For a very long time, Mexico has been a predominantly immigrant-sending country. Many individuals, both Mexicans, and non-Mexicans, have passed through the country into America in search of security and employment opportunities (Payan, 2016). While it is correct to point out that the partnership between Mexico and America to provide these opportunities in Mexico has reduced the traffic into America, the truth of the matter is that the move has channeled attention from the united states of America to Mexico, which to a great extent has increased the number of Honduras immigrants (Heer, 2018). The fact that refuge can now be found in Mexico, which is nearer to Honduras, and easier to access than America, has encouraged more Hondurans to flee their country.
It is only natural that the fact that refuge has been brought closer would attract more asylum seekers than before. The trip to America was more tedious and riskier than the trip to Mexico. Bearing in mind that America had invested heavily on the border security south of Mexico, which is the gateway into America through Texas, the Guatemalan border was somewhat sidelined (Payan, 2016). Hondurans, therefore, had no trouble crossing into Mexico through Guatemala, from which point they would seek safe passage into America. What this implies is that immigrants from Honduras only had to worry about their journey from Mexico into American, but with the provided asylum in Mexico, these worries have since been resolved (Slack, Martínez, Whiteford, & Peiffer, 2015) . Thus, Mexico is faced with the surging number of Honduras immigrants in the country, prompting the setting up of policies to regulate these individuals in the country, as well as providing alternatives to decongest the state of the immigrants.
Bearing in mind the violence and political unrest in Central America, the increased development in Mexico and the strict immigration enforcement in America, Mexico has evolved to become a state of destination, judging by the transit and return data. It had become therefore important that Mexico develops a unique, thorough, but humane policy response to each of the above roles (Dreby, 2015. It is essential to observe that Mexico had not had any significant immigration policies up until the recent past. The central system had been the 1974 General Law of Population, which focused primarily on enforcing legal penalties for the immigrants in Mexico without authorization (Alarcón, 2017) . The American-Mexican collaboration on enhancing security at the southern body comes at the height of a decade long series of immigration policy reforms which have sort to expand the effectiveness of Mexico's immigration law to ascertain the realities of Mexico's diversifying population.
What this means is that while it may be correct to point out that the American-Mexican collaboration to provide asylum in the country may have intensified the immigration flow into the country, the truth is that the flow only skyrocketed during this period (Barbosa & Alarcón, 2017) . Hence, these immigration policy reforms have not been effective in addressing the needs of these immigrants, more particularly the returnees and the Hondurans from Central America seeking asylum. Ultimately, there has been the creation of a wide gap in these laws and practices, which focused more on easing the transition of the immigrants by creating several initiatives and programs which were aimed at reintegration (Gallo & Hornberger, 2017) . However, in as much as this seems to be a two-phase transition, Mexico invested more heavily on the first part, i.e., transition while overlooking the need to put up better policies to ensure their reintegration.
Mexico has done a great job with such initiatives and programs such as the Somos Mexicanos program implemented in 2014 by the National Institute of Immigration (NIM) which was aimed at facilitating the integration of the Mexican nationals by providing them medical attention, food, toll-free calls and employment assistant upon their initial return (Capps et al., 2015). However, the main challenge faced by NIM, and every other initiative and program include the fact that the plans have focused more on offering physical support at the expense of psychological support. One would argue, quite correctly, that such services as the providence of food and free calls to immigrants returning from America are more of an unnecessary aid. This is mainly because such individuals may have gained money in America, which would help them afford such services (Garza, Trueba, & Reyes, 2015) . What these individuals would need in this case is psychological support, which would help them reattach with the society, bearing in mind, they may have been gone for a long duration.
At the same time, the employment assistance and other opportunities are not sufficient for those individuals returning from regions where they may have faced more oppression. It is important, therefore, that these initiatives focus more on selective providence of services such as providing employment opportunities, educational support and other support systems they may need to find their way back into the Mexican culture (Kahn, 2018. This article does not overlook the role these initiatives and programs play in assisting the returnees in settling back into the country, but instead, it argues for the selective providence of these services, ensuring that every individual receives precisely the kind of aid they need (Rosenblum & Ball, 2016) . This would be a better approach than the random grouping of these services, which in most cases leads to an individual getting a remote support system at the expense of the individual who needs exactly that kind of support system.
It is interesting to observe the remedy the private sector has since come up with to answer to the shortcomings of the government in Mexico. The private sector has taken it upon itself to shoulder the role of facilitating the successful reintegration of immigrant returnees by working closely with them to provide them with long-lasting assistance, thereby serving as a valuable network (Bhachu, 2017). Coming back into the Mexican society would imply for most returnees looking for employment to be able to support their lifestyle. Organizations like the New Comienzos, Dream in Mexico, among others are involved in offering free programs which assist the Mexican returnees in finding their educational opportunities. Getting an education is one step that goes a long way in ensuring the independence and the financial capability of a returnee (Lopes, 2017). Providing food and emergency shelters may be a great way to help the returnees, but unless a more permanent solution is found, then the government will end up spending more resources supporting the same cycle of individuals.
This is also the case for the Hondurans seeking asylum in the country. The fact that these individuals speak Spanish, just like the majority of the Mexicans implies that it would be easy to have them assimilated into the Mexican culture (Huber, 2016). This would be a better idea rather than sheltering them in temporary homes where the government will be forced to support them. By allowing the Hondurans to be absorbed into the Mexican society, the government will be better placed at providing them with employment opportunities, like the rest of Mexico (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2016) . From the Honduran income, the Mexican government will then deduct tax to help support other immigrants and asylum seekers still in the shelter and with no source of income of their own.
Another aspect that is of great importance is the role America has to play. The nonprofit organizations may have worked their best to make up for the shortcoming existing in the services that the Mexican government offers, but a lot still needs to be done. The main threat facing the policy at the moment is the decision by the American administration to roll off the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program (Hipsman, Gómez-Aguiaga, & Capps, 2016) . If the trump administration goes through with this decision, then more than 700,000 immigrants living in America due to the status of their parents will be stripped off their privileges, forced to return to their mother countries (Walters, 2017). It is essential to observe that Mexicans make up for nearly 80% of these numbers, meaning Mexico will be faced with the responsibility of having to cater for approximately more than 550,000 immigrant returnees.
Whether this move is to be voluntary or forced, the already strained Mexican economy will be overtaxed. Meaning not only will the country face challenges when it comes to providing the necessary services to its citizens, but it will also be ailing from its commitment to offer policies that ensure the reintegration of returned immigrants as well as supporting asylum seekers (García Zamora, Ambriz, & Herrera, 2015) . Mexico, having realized this unfortunate probability, has taken measures to enhance strict policies seeking to answer to the question of the increasing asylum seeking by the Central Americans. From 2018, for instance, Mexico has reacted to the Central American asylum seekers with a force which includes deporting tens of hundreds of the Northern Triangle migrants. From January 2018 to September of the same year, approximately 80,000 migrants had been deported back to their countries (Frelick, Kysel, & Podkul, 2016) . These Central Americans are mostly from the Northern Triangle, i.e., El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala.
Mexico may be doing its best to ease the transition of returned immigrants into the country, while at the same time catering for the central America asylum seekers. But the truth is that the pressure from the American administration pushes for more drastic measures that should be taken by Mexico to ensure it is better placed to control the flow of people into the country (Truax, 2018). It is a strategic move to provide asylum to the central Americans from the Northern Triangle, and it may seem inhumane to deport them, but unless such drastic measures are taken, then Mexico will be unable to answer to the surging numbers of returned immigrants. The proposal by the trump administration to roll off the DACA program serves as a wakeup call for Mexico to be prepared to receive the nearly 550,000 returnee immigrants back into the country (Alleyne, 2018). What this implies is that Mexico will not only have to worry about setting up enough emergency shelters for when these individuals arrive into the country, but will as well have to be prepared financially to provide both short term and long-term assistance to help the individuals reintegrate into the society.
In conclusion, it is critical to point out that Mexico so far is doing an excellent job in assimilating the central American asylum seekers while at the same time providing policies to reintegrate returned Mexican migrants into the country. But the increasing numbers of both groups is a course of worry for the country, and unless more drastic measures are taken, then very soon the country will be overcrowding with these individuals, in addition to having a stagnating revenue base since most of the country's finances will be geared towards providing intervention measures rather than supporting its economy. From this point, the best strategy would be an alliance between the united states of America, Central America, and Mexico to find solutions that would benefit all the stakeholders involved, thus reducing the pressure on Mexico.
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